(Robert F. Worth | New York Times | 24 November 2009) — After last summer’s disputed presidential election, Iran’s government relied largely on brute force — beatings, arrests and show trials — to stifle the country’s embattled opposition movement.

Now, stung by the force and persistence of the protests, the government appears to be starting a far more ambitious effort to discredit its opponents and re-educate Iran’s mostly young and restive population. In recent weeks, the government has announced a variety of new ideological offensives.

It is implanting 6,000 Basij militia centers in elementary schools across Iran to promote the ideals of the Islamic Revolution, and it has created a new police unit to sweep the Internet for dissident voices. A company affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards acquired a majority share in the nation’s telecommunications monopoly this year, giving the Guards de facto control of Iran’s land lines, Internet providers and two cellphone companies. And in the spring, the Revolutionary Guards plan to open a news agency with print, photo and television elements.

The government calls it “soft war,” and Iran’s leaders often seem to take it more seriously than a real military confrontation. It is rooted in an old accusation: that Iran’s domestic ills are the result of Western cultural subversion and call for an equally vigorous response. The extent of the new campaign underscores just how badly Iran’s clerical and military elite were shaken by the protests, which set off the worst internal dissent since the country’s 1979 Islamic Revolution.

Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has been using the phrase “soft war” regularly since September, when he warned a group of artists and teachers that they were living in an “atmosphere of sedition” in which all cultural phenomena must be seen in the context of a vast battle between Iran and the West. He and other officials have since invoked the phrase in describing new efforts to re-Islamize the educational system, purge secular influences and professors, and purify the media of subversive ideas.

The new emphasis on cultural warfare may also reflect the rising influence of the Revolutionary Guards, whose leader, Mohammad Ali Jafari, has long been one of the main proponents of a “soft war” strategy, analysts say.

In October, Masud Jazayeri, a leading ideologue within the military’s Joint Forces Command, published a letter in the conservative newspaper Kayhan in which he called for a more aggressive campaign of countersubversion. “If we had a better understanding of the enemy, and if we had sufficient determination and motivation to define the defensive lines,” he wrote, “we would never have allowed the enemy to penetrate our Islamic society.”

There have been periodic earlier campaigns to reinforce the government’s Islamist message throughout society. Some analysts say that the new efforts are unlikely to be any more effective than those in the past, and may even backfire.

“By trying to gain more control of the media, to re-Islamize schools, they think they can make a comeback,” said Mehrzad Boroujerdi, an Iran expert and professor at Syracuse University. “But the enemy here is Iran’s demographics. The Iranian population is overwhelmingly literate and young, and previous efforts to reinstall orthodoxy have only exacerbated cleavages between citizens and the state.”

Still, the idea has returned with new force in the months since the disputed June presidential elections, which brought millions of Iranians into the streets to denounce President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s landslide victory as a fraud. In the weeks that followed, the government’s aura of sacred authority seemed to erode further, with many protesters denouncing Iran’s supreme leader as a dictator for the first time.

Iran’s military and clerical leaders made clear soon afterward that they saw in those attacks the signature of a foreign plot, and perhaps a more subtle and insidious one than those of the past. It was, in a sense, the only way for the Iranian leadership to reconcile the internal challenges they were facing with President Obama’s mild calls for reconciliation and engagement.

In early September, Brig. Gen. Muhammad Bagher-Zolghadr, the former deputy chief of the Revolutionary Guards, outlined the “soft war” concept in a speech: “In a hard war, the line between you and the enemy is clear, but in a soft war there is nothing so solid. The enemy is everywhere.” General Zolghadr said that a soft war was fought in large part through the media, and that the West was “better equipped” to fight it than Iran.

Soon after his speech, the authorities unrolled a series of measures seemingly aimed at redressing that imbalance. This month, Brig. Gen. Mohammad Reza Naqdi, the head of the Basij militia, announced a new era of “super media power” cooperation between the media and the Revolutionary Guards, according to the state-owned official press.

The Revolutionary Guards plan to start a news agency called Atlas in the spring, modeled on services like the BBC and The Associated Press, according to semiofficial Iranian news sites.

The Revolutionary Guards already largely control the Fars news agency, which reflects views of Iran’s hard-line camp. Two weeks ago Iran formed a 12-person unit to monitor the Internet for “insults and the spreading of lies,” a phrase used to describe opposition activities, the semiofficial media reported.

And the government has teamed up with private companies to begin giving out free home Internet filtering software, the semiofficial ILNA news agency reported Monday.

The authorities have also cracked down on dissent within the educational system, hinting that professors who do not toe the official line will be purged. A number of hard-line clerics have called for the university humanities curriculums to be Islamized further.

Mohammad-Saleh Jokar, the head of the student and cultural section of the Basij, said the group was opening the elementary school centers because “students of this age are more open to influence than older students, and for this reason we want to promote and establish the ideas of the revolution and the Basij,” according to Iran’s official state news agency.

But the size and bureaucratic complexity of the school system make such goals profoundly difficult, former teachers say.

In the same way, the state’s new efforts to inoculate Iranians against dissident ideas in the media may be difficult — or even counterproductive, analysts say. This month a high-ranking official at IRIB, the state broadcaster, seemed to unwittingly concede the point when he announced that 40 percent of Iranians — twice as many as last year — had access to satellite television in their homes.

“The enemy no longer invests in the military to advance their goals,” said the official, Ali Daraei. “Their primary investment is in the media war through satellite channels.”

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(Bob Simon | 60 Minutes – CBS News | 22 November 2009) - Recently freed after four months of interrogation and torture in Iran, Newsweek reporter Maziar Bahari tells his story to Bob Simon and writes about his ordeal in the next issue of Newsweek.

In the next two “extra” video segments, “A Peaceful Terrorist” and “Mr. Hillary Clinton” journalist Maziar Bahari explains how he was the most dangerous kind of opponent to the Iranian government and how a strange nickname gave him hope in an Iranian prison.

A Peaceful Terrorist

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Mr. Hillary Clinton

Watch CBS News Videos Online

Woodrow Wilson Center | Washington D.C. | 30 November 2009

The Middle East Program of the Woodrow Wilson Center and the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting present a panel discussion with Iason Athanasiadis, freelance journalist; Barbara Slavin, Assistant Managing Editor for World and National Security, The Washington Times; and Jon Sawyer, Executive Director, Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.

Iason Athanasiadis is a writer, photographer, and documentary filmmaker covering Middle Eastern current affairs from his Istanbul base. He reported on Iran’s presidential election for American and British news outlets, including The Washington Times, on a grant from the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting. He was jailed at the direction of Iran’s Intelligence Ministry and held for three weeks in solitary confinement at Tehran’s Evin Prison. He was a consultant on A Death in Iran, a documentary for the BBC and PBS Frontline that aired earlier this month.

Monday, November 30, 2009
4:00 – 5:30 p.m.
5th Floor Conference Room
Woodrow Wilson Center

Please RSVP to mep@wilsoncenter.org or fax 202-691-4184

Seating is limited. Seats are available on a first-come, first-served basis. A photo ID is required for entry.

The Woodrow Wilson Center is located in the Ronald Reagan Building (Federal Triangle stop on Blue/Orange Line). Public parking is available underneath the Reagan Building; however we recommend metro or taxi. www.wilsoncenter.org/directions

Columbia University – School of International and Public Affairs| 5 December 2009

The recent elections in Iran, and subsequent challenges to their legitimacy, have been a matter of enormous internal conflict in Iran, and of seemingly endless debate in the rest of the world.  As protesters continue to take to the Iranian street to voice their opposition to the elections, fault-lines are emerging amongst the ruling elite.  These momentous events constitute a significant challenge to the legitimacy of the Iranian regime and the future of the Islamic Republic.  The conference will be an opportunity to have leading Iranian scholars and analysts discuss the impact of the recent elections, Iran’s relationship with the international community and the theocratic foundations of the Islamic Republic.

The one-day conference being held at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs  will feature Ervand Abrahamian, Asef Bayat, Hamid Dabashi, Shahla Talebi discussing the “Aftermath of the Election,” Farideh Farhi, Gary Sick, Wayne White, Judith Yaphe discussing “International Challenges,” and Houchang Chehabi, Mansour Farhang, Hossein Kamaly, Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet, and Abdolkarim Soroush “Appraising the Life of the Republic.”  For more event information and to register, visit the conference website.

(Associated Press | 13 November 2009) - In what could be one of the biggest counterterrorism seizures in U.S. history, federal prosecutors sought to take over four U.S. mosques and a New York City skyscraper owned by a Muslim organization suspected of being controlled by the Iranian government.

US to seize properties allegedly “linked to Iran”

(Russia Today | 13 November 2009) - Seizure of mosques and buildings allegedly belonging to Iranian government comes at time when tensions over Iran’s nuclear program are at their highest, the trial of three American hikers in Iran begins, and the deaths at Fort Hood by a Muslim army officer.

(Benjamin Weiser | New York Times | 12 November 2009) - Federal prosecutors in Manhattan began legal action on Thursday to seize properties in Queens and across the country where several mosques are located in a broad move against a nonprofit organization that was accused of illegally providing money and other services to Iran.

The organization, the Alavi Foundation, owns the land on which the mosques sit, as well as a majority interest in an office tower at 650 Fifth Avenue in Manhattan, which has also been slated for seizure by the government.

The authorities accused the Alavi Foundation of spending millions of dollars to obtain and develop the properties, in violation of federal laws that ban trade with Iran.

In addition to the Queens property, which is at 55-11 Queens Boulevard and houses the Imam Ali Mosque, the government sought forfeiture of the foundation’s ownership in seven other properties, several of which house mosques. Another of the properties is a 36-story granite-and-glass tower at 52nd Street known as the Piaget Building.

The prosecutors did not specify how much money they were seeking to be forfeited, but they said that the foundation had tried for years to hide its relationship with the government of Iran. The prosecutors described meetings between the Iranian ambassador to the United Nations and the foundation’s president. The two men met periodically, in a closed room, at the center in Queens, the complaint said.

The government, in a complaint filed in Federal District Court, made no allegations against the mosques or other tenants of the properties owned by the foundation.

In a statement issued late Thursday, the office of the United States attorney, Preet Bharara, said that they remained free to use the properties.

“There are no allegations of any wrongdoing on the part of any of these tenants or occupants,” said Yusill Scribner, a spokeswoman. “No action has been taken against any tenants or occupants of those properties.”

A lawyer for the foundation, Daniel Ruzumna, said: “The Alavi Foundation is disappointed that the government decided to bring this civil forfeiture action. The foundation has been cooperating fully with the government since the investigation began. The foundation intends to litigate the government’s claims and expects to prevail when the litigation is over.”

The prosecutors’ action came on the same day the White House said that President Obama had renewed longstanding economic sanctions against Iran, Reuters reported. The president said, “Our relations with Iran have not yet returned to normal.”

Worshippers at the Imam Ali Mosque were stunned by the news of the government’s action, which they said they learned of only from reporters outside.

The mosque is in a white two-story building that also houses the Razi School. A forfeiture notice had been taped to the front door.

“This is a place of worship; anybody can come to pray, that’s it,” said one congregant, Ali Naderi of Queens. “We do believe this allegation is not true.”

He said the mosque was a nonprofit organization and received support from the Alavi Foundation and others. “We don’t own this place,” he said. “We are a community and we come for worship.”

Mr. Naderi said 600 to 700 families attended the mosque regularly.

A man who answered the phone at Imam Ali Mosque on Thursday night said, “No one is here; everybody is praying,” and abruptly hung up.

“Because information is lacking, this might well cause yet another wave of fear in the Muslim community,” said Adem Carroll, chairman of the Muslim Consultative Network, an advocacy group. “It would be sad if word in our community starts spreading that the government will shut us all down. Already some think this is a war against the religion; that is a very unhelpful perception.”

The mosques — also on Alavi Foundation property in Maryland, Texas and California — receive space and financial support from the foundation, said one person affiliated with the organization who spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss the matter.

On its Web site, the foundation says that it has promoted “Islamic culture and Persian language, literature and civilization” for more than 30 years, through grants and other activities.

Al Baker, Anahad O’Connor and Karen Zraick contributed reporting.

(Muhammad Sahimi | Tehran Bureau | 8 November 2009) - Except for a brief period in the beginning of President Mohammad Khatami’s first term (1998-2000); and earlier, between 1941, when Allied forces occupied Iran, and 1953, the year the CIA-led a coup against the popular government of Dr. Mohammad Mosaddegh, freedom of the press in Iran has been under constant assault over the past century. Hundreds of Iranian journalists have been jailed or driven into exile. Many have been murdered. In short, Iran has become one of the most dangerous countries in the world to be a journalist.

Iranian officials have always claimed that there is complete freedom of expression in Iran. Many Iranians may agree with that assessment. The real problem is that there is almost never any freedom after expression. Almost any public expression of opinion in a large gathering has been immediately followed by harsh government retribution. This has been true for at least 120 years.

After Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was elected president in June 2005, Hossein Saffar Harandi, a Brigadier General in the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC), was appointed Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance, the official organ that supervises and monitors the press and book publication. “Every official political group and party will be allowed to have its own publication and mouthpiece,” Saffar Harandi pronounced at the time.

But it quickly became clear that what Saffar Harandi had in mind was a privilege reserved for Ahmadinejad allies. Even Hamshahri, the daily published by Tehran’s city council, was assaulted by Saffar Harandi’s Ministry, because it was acting as the mouthpiece of Ahmadinejad’s competitor, Tehran Mayor Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf. Ironically, Qalibaf, a Principlist, was the former commander of the IRGC air force.

After the rigged June 12 presidential election, as widespread demonstrations and protests gripped the country, many leading reformist journalists and bloggers were arrested and imprisoned. The pace of arrests has not slowed down. While some journalists have been released, many more remain incarcerated, and others handed long prison sentences. Some journalists who are also recognized as political figures have been treated harshly. Long stretches in solitary confinement has been a common feature of these incarcerations.

Last month Reporters Without Borders (RWB), the international press watchdog group, released its latest Press Freedom Index (PFI), a ranking of countries in terms of the degree of freedom that their journalists enjoy. Although Iran’s ranking has never been high, it fell precipitously in the wake of the demonstrations that broke out this summer. The demonstrations gave rise to what RWB called “regime paranoia about journalists and bloggers.” But, in fact, that paranoia has always existed in Iran.

RWB’s bottom ten consists of Vietnam, Yemen, China, Laos, Cuba, Burma, Iran, Turkmenistan, North Korea, and Eritrea. Iran, a virtual military junta led by the IRGC, is in “distinguished” company: Burma, a country also run by a military junta; Turkmenistan, a nation under the spell of a cult of personality; and North Korea, a country in the clutches of a reclusive “Dear Leader.”

So many reformist newspapers and publications have been closed after the rigged election that Mashallah Shamsolvaezin, the distinguished reformist journalist, estimates that at least 2000 people have lost their jobs over the last four months alone. He has said that 400 journalists have asked him for a letter of recommendation, hoping to find jobs abroad. At least 30 journalists have been forced to leave Iran, including Nazila Fathi, a contract writer in Tehran for the New York Times.

The following is a list of those whose arrest and imprisonment have been confirmed, together with a brief background, if available. Some may have been released, which is noted if the information was available. The list may not be exhaustive. This list contains the names of 72 journalists, but the RWB has said that 100 journalists have been arrested in Iran over the past 150 days.

Marjan Abdollahian was on the staff of the moderate conservative Hamshahri newspaper, published by Tehran’s city council; arrested July 9.

Mohammad Ali Abtahi Chief of Staff, and then Vice President to Mohammad Khatami for parliamentary affairs; a principal advisor to Mehdi Karroubi (the other reformist candidate) in the rigged June presidential election; popular reformist and one of the first clerics to launch a blog, Webnevesht; a leading member of the Association of Combatant Clerics, the reformist leftist clerical organization that supports Mir Hossein Mousavi.

Bahman Ahmadi Amooei journalist and husband of Jila Bani Yaghoob.

Reza Alijani winner of RWB’s 2001 Fondation de France press freedom prize; close to the Nationalist-Religious Coalition, has been jailed numerous times; arrested June 13 (later released).

Morteza Alviri leading advisor to Mehdi Karroubi; contributor to many reformist newspapers, particularly to the daily Hamshahri, when he was Tehran’s Mayor (released recently).

Mahsa Amrabadi reporter for the Etemaad-e Melli (National Trust) daily, the mouthpiece of the National Trust Party of Mehdi Karroubi; arrested June 14 and kept in solidarity confinement while pregnant (released recently).

Karim Arghandehpour journalist writing for reformist newspapers Salaam, and, Vaghaa-ye Ettefaaghiyeh, both of which were shut down by the hard-liners. He ran a blog, www.futurama.ir.

Hassan Asadi Zaydabadi blogger, and director of the human rights committee of the Organization of University Graduates of Islamic Iran (known in Iran as Advaar-e Tahkim); a supporter of Karroubi.

Mohammad Atrianfar deputy Interior Minister in the first Khatami administration; member of the Central Committee of the Executives of Reconstruction Party (ERP), a reformist party; editor-in-chief of the popular daily Hamshahri during the second Khatami administration; manager of Shargh, a popular daily reformist newspaper shut down by the hardliners.

Shokoufeh Azar reformist journalist.

Jila Baniyaghoob prominent female journalist, working previously for many reformist newspapers; editor of the website Kannon-e Zanaan-e Irani (Center for Iranian Women); writing at http://irwomen.net; winner of numerous awards (released).

Behzad Basho cartoonist, arrested June 14.

Masoud Bastani journalist and husband of Mahsa Amrabadi. On 5 July when he asked authorities about the fate of his pregnant wife, he was also arrested. After his show trial, he was handed a sentence of several years in jail.

Misagh Bolhasani a poet publishing her work in dailies and other publications.

Alireza Eftekhari journalist working for Abrar, an economic daily; died from injuries sustained on 15 June at the hands of security forces.

Satiar Emami Photojournalist.

Mostafa Ghavanlou Qajar blogs at www.shajar.ir and contributor to the U.S.-funded Radio Farda.

Saeed Hajjarian leading reformist strategist; advisor to Mohammad Khatami during his presidency; editor-in-chief of Sobh-e Emrooz (this morning), a leading reformist newspaper shut down by the hardliners; member of the Central Committee of the reformist Islamic Iran Participation Front, Iran’s largest political party; deputy Minister of Intelligence for counter-intelligence (1984-89); semi-paralyzed by an assassination attempt on his life in March 2000; recently released after receiving a suspended five-year sentence following a televised show trial.

Mir-Hamid Hassanzadeh formerly with ISNA, the Iranian Student News Agency (ISNA) and director of Ghalam News website, close to Mir-Hossein Mousavi; arrested August 5.

Hadi Haydari cartoonist and member of the public relations department of the Islamic Iran Participation Front. (released)

Mashallah Haydarzadeh a journalist active in southern Iran; arrested June 14.

Arash Hejazi writer and publisher (tried and sentenced to several months in jail).

Alireza Hosseini Beheshti Editor-in-Chief of Kalameh Sabz (green word), the daily mouthpiece of Mir Hossein Mousavi. The daily was closed after the rigged election (since released).

Kouroush Javan photojournalist.

Hamzeh Karami reformist journalist.

Mohammad Reza Khatami younger brother of the former president; a medical doctor (nephrologist); former deputy Health Minister for two years; one of the founders of the Islamic Iran Participation Front in 1998, its first Secretary-General, and currently a member of its central committee; a faculty member at Tehran University of Medical Sciences; elected in March 2000 to the 6th Majles as the first Tehran deputy with 1,794,365 votes; managing editor of the now-banned reformist daily Mosharekat [participation], the mouthpiece of the IIPF; married to Zahra Eshraghi, granddaughter of Ayatollah Khomeini and an activist in women’s rights (released later).

Mehdi Khazali publisher of Hayyan; son of prominent conservative cleric, Ayatollah Abolghasem Khazali.

Ebrahim Khoshchehreh journalist close to the Nationalist-Religious Coalition, active in Lahijan (in northern Iran); arrested June 21.

Saeed Leylaaz Economic advisor to the Khatami administration; journalist; strong critic of Ahmadinejad’s economic policies.

Hassan Maadikhah director of the Zarreh Publication and son of Abdol-Majid Maadikhah, the former Minister of Cultural and Islamic Guidance.

Hamideh Mahhozi a reformist journalist active in southern Iran.

Javad Mahzadeh reformist journalist.

Rajabali Mazrouiee head of the Journalists Association; reformist Majles (parliament) deputy in the 6th Majles (2000-2004); economic editor of Salaam (1991-1999), the popular reformist daily that was closed by the hardliners in 1999; arrested on 20 June (released later).

Seyyed Khalil Mir Ashrafi a television producer and journalist, arrested June 14.

Mohsen Mirdamadi Secretary-General of the Islamic Iran Participation Front; chairman of the 6th Majles Committee on National Security; one of the three principal leaders of US Embassy takeover in 1979; editor of Norooz, the mouthpiece of IIPF, which was closed by the hardliners; arrested June 14.

Saeed Movahedi freelance photojournalist; arrested July 9.

Mohammad Hossein Naeimipour blogged at www.mowj.ir; leader of Pouyesh-e Sabz (Green Wave), a youth organization supporting Mohammad Khatami and Mir Hossein Mousavi; son of Mohammad Naeimipour, the prominent reformist journalist.

Shiva Nazari Ahari blogged at http://azadiezan.blogspot.com; member of the Reporters of Human Rights Committee; arrested June 13.

Behanam Nikzad journalist arrested on November 4.

Kambiz Norouzi Secretary of the Legal Committee of the Iranian Journalists Association.

Mohammad Reza Nourabakhsh editor of the daily Farhikhtegan (the intellectual elites); recently closed by the hardliners.

Hossein Nouraninejad runs the blog, haboot-e natamam; director of Mir Hossein Mousavi’s campaign in western Tehran; a leading member of the reformist Islamic Iran Participation Front.

Fariba Pajooh journalist covering national politics and foreign policy for major Iranian news agencies and newspapers since 1999, including dailies such as Shargh, Etemad Melli, Ham Mihan (all closed by the hardliners), Iran, Aftab Yazd, and Seda-ye Edalat; Shahr news agency, the Iranian Labor News Agency, the Iranian Student News Agency; and Gozaresh, a monthly magazine.

Ali Pirhosseinlou blogger for Norooz, the website of the reformist Islamic Iran Participation Front; arrested together with his wife (released after 50 days in jail).

Farhad Pouladi journalist working for AFP; arrested November 4 (reportedly released).

Mojtaba Pourmohsen editor of Gilaan-e Emrooz (Today’s Gilaan); Gilaan is a province in northern Iran by the Caspian Sea; contributor to Radio Zamaneh (a Persian radio station based in the Netherlands) from Rasht (Gilaan’s provincial capital); arrested June 15.

Mohammad Qoochani prominent reformist journalist, editor of many reformist newspapers shut down by the hardliners (e.g., Shargh [east]; Hammihan [compatriot], and the weekly, Shahrvand Emrooz [today's citizen]); editor of Etemaad-e Melli; son-in-law of Emad Baghi, the prominent journalist and human rights advocate (released recently).

Taghi Rahmani close to the Nationalist-Religious Coalitions; has spent 14 years in jail over the past 30 years; husband of Narges Mohammadi, a prominent human rights advocate; arrested June 13 (and later released).

Hoda Saber close to the Nationalist-Religious Coalition; jailed numerous times; arrested June 13 (released later).

Shadi Sadr journalist and human rights advocate (released later).

Eisa Saharkhiz an outspoken journalist critic of the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei; contributor to www.roozonline.com; in charge of the domestic press during the first two years of Khatami’s presidency, a period when the Iranian press blossomed; arrested July 5.

Majid Saidi Photojournalist

Kayvan Samimi Behbahani Managing editor of Naameh (Letter), a monthly publication, close to the Nationalist-Religious Coalition. Naameh was also closed.

Negar Sayeh journalist

Hengameh Shahidi journalist for Etemaad-e Melli and advisor to Karroubi; went on a hunger strike in jail (released recently; currently on trial).

Ruhollah Shahsavar a journalist in Mashhad (in northeastern Iran); arrested June 17.

Saeed Shariti the editor of the news website Nooroz, the official site of the reformist Islamic Iran Participation Front, the largest political party in Iran.

Mehdi Shirzad blogger; son of Dr. Ahmad Shirzad, a leading member of Islamic Iran Participation Front, and a critic of Ahmadinejad’s nuclear policy. (released)

Amanollah Shojaei a blogger living in Bushehr, in southern Iran; arrested June 14.

Hossein Shokouhi reporter and journalist writing for Payaam-e Jonoob (the Message of the South), in southern Iran.

Fariborz Soroush freelance journalist who worked for US-funded Radio Farda; imprisoned in the past for his work for Radio Farda; arrested in Karaj, a town 40 km west of Tehran.

Abdolreza Tajik political activist, economist, and close to the Freedom Movement of Iran and the Nationalist-Religious Coalition; has worked for many reformist newspapers, including Bahar (closed in 2001), Hambastegi (closed in 2003) and Shargh (closed in 2008); arrested June 14 at the headquarters of the daily Farhikhtegan (the intellectual elites). (released)

Mostafa Tajzadeh Deputy Interior Minister in the first Khatami administration; supervised elections for the first city councils and the 6th Majles, praised for its even-handedness and transparency; member of the Central Committees of both the Islamic Iran Participation Front and the Islamic Revolution Mojahedin Organization; outspoken critic of the hardliners; contributor to many reformist newspapers and websites; arrested June 14.

Mojtaba Tehrani Journalist at Etemaad-e Melli daily, arrested 29 June.

Somayyeh Tohidloo blogger at http://smto.ir ; political activist; sociologist; supporter of Mir Hossein Mousavi.

Mehdi Yazdani Khorram an editor at Etemaad-e Melli, arrested 5 August.

Mohammad Reza Yazdanpanah journalist and blogger, arrested 7 July.

Mehdi Zaboli is a photographer.

Ali Zare is photojournalist for the daily Hamshahri.

Nafiseh Zare Kohan is a blogger who worked for many reformist newspapers; arrested 4 November together with her husband Hojjat Sharifi.

Ahmad Zaydabadi distinguished journalist writing for roozonline.com and print media in Iran; Secretary General of the Organization of University Graduates of Islamic Iran (known in Iran as Advaar-e Tahkim); a supporter of Karroubi and close to the Nationalist-Religious Coalition. According to his wife Mahdiyeh Mohammadi, he has been kept in solitary confinement for so long that at one point he came close to committing suicide. He is said to be under incredible pressure to apologize to Ayatollah Ali Khamenei for writing an open letter criticizing the Supreme Leader.

In addition, Maziar Bahari, the Iranian-Canadian journalist and a correspondent for Newsweek in Iran, was arrested on 22 June. He was released on bail on October 17 and was allowed to leave Iran.

Foreign journalists have also not escaped the wrath of the hardliners. Two Dutch TV journalists working for Nederland 2 were arrested and expelled. Reporter Yolanda Alvarez of the Spanish television station TVE was deported together with her crew. Jon Leyne of the BBC was also expelled. A Danish journalism student, Niels Krogsgaard, 31, has been the latest foreigner targeted. He was reported missing on Wednesday, 4 November after attending a rally making the 30th anniversary of the US Embassy takeover.

The new Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance is Seyyed Ahmad Hossein, who was the president of Payam-e Nour (message of light) University. The ultra-conservative’s deputy in charge of the press is Mohammad Ali Ramin, a reactionary who lived in Germany, where he may have been associated with Neo-Nazis. Ramin was behind Ahmadinejad’s denial of the Holocaust, and secretary-general of the 2006 Holocaust conference in Tehran.

In his first act as the Deputy Minister, Ramin ordered closure of Sarmayeh (capital), a daily close to the reformists.

It’s not clear what crime these journalists have committed other than showing support for candidates who were carefully vetted by the conservative Guardian Council. Others were defending the human and political rights of Iranians and deserve the support of all those who care about human dignity and freedom.

Shuttering newspapers and jailing journalists who have been reporting and analyzing the events of the past few months, even when critical of the government, is in the national interest of the Islamic Republic (especially if it continues to claim any part of that name). When people are unable to get accurate information and objective analysis from informed sources inside the country, they turn to foreign outlets whose understanding of Iran is far less. Some may even try to spin information to advance the interests of foreign powers. If Iran were a bit more sophisticated about its security interests, it should be clear by now that it’s on the wrong path.

On the 30th Anniversary of the Takeover of the US Embassy Students Take to the Streets in Protests across Iran

(Editor | Peace with Iran | 4 November 2009) – Today is the 13th of Aban:  the official day Iranians commemorate the student takeover of the US Embassy during the 1979 Revolution.  This year, the 30th anniversary of this historic day,  students also mobilized.  This time they took to the streets to protest their government and to demand their voices be heard and the rights of all Iranians be respected.

“Guns, Tanks, and Basijis Don’t Change Anything” ~ Tehran

“We are all Neda! We are all Sohrab! We are all one!” ~ Ahvaz University, Southern Iran

“Green Iran Does Not Want Nuclear Weapons” ~ Tehran

“We Will Protest as Long as Ahmadinejad is in Power” ~ Shiraz

Karroubi Greets Protesters on the Streets

Protests at Mashhad University ~ Azad, NorthEast Iran

Protests In Isfahan

University of Mashhad

Tabriz University

Shahre Kurd University ~ Central Iran

Najaf-Abad Azad University – Central Iran

Sources:  United4Iran, Windows on Iran, #iranelection, #13Aban

(Jeffrey Fleishman – Babylon & Beyond | Los Angeles Times | 11 October 2009) – Former Iranian President Mohammad Khatami has posted a strong declaration on his website that the protest movement in Iran will not die despite violent crackdowns by the military and police.

“Be sure that people will never back down,” said Khatami, who was president from 1997 to 2005 and has become a leading reformist voice. “Today, we are living in a world in which no dictator could be imposed on people to force them to be absolute obedient to him. An acceptable government is a government born out of people.”

The statement posted today on Khatami’s website was a bold rebuke to supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, whose reelection in June was marred by accusations of fraud that triggered nationwide protests. The police and Revolutionary Guard have backed Ahmadinejad, and demonstrations have dwindled under tight security.

“Why are we presenting Islam in a way to encourage segments of the society to turn their back on religion and the regime?” said Khatami, who with opposition leader Mir-Hossein Mousavi have challenged the government for months.

He added that the crushing of anti-government protests “constituted an affront to the nation. The million-strong civil protesters, who were moving in conformity with the principles of the Islamic Republic, were dubbed as rioters. In reaction to these protests, non-Islamic, inhumane and unconstitutional behaviors were observed. Senior figures were arrested and forced to confess under duress.”

He concluded, “The creation of the ongoing atmosphere is a hackneyed method that would backfire. The majority of Iranians are unhappy with the ongoing conditions in which famous individuals and ordinary citizens are being maltreated.”

(Michael Slackman | New York Times | 10 October 2009) — Iranian officials have sentenced to death three protesters who participated in demonstrations following the nation’s disputed presidential election in June, according to ISNA, Iran’s semiofficial news agency.

The news service quoted an unnamed spokesman for the Tehran prosecutor’s office saying that the three were sentenced to be hanged and that they had been part of what Iran considered terrorist organizations.

The death sentences are the first to be made public in cases involving the hundreds charged in the vast protests that followed the government’s declaration of a landslide victory for the incumbent, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, in the June 12 presidential election.

Reform-aligned Web sites reported last week that a prisoner named Mohammad-Reza Ali-Zamani had received a death sentence. The announcement on Saturday, which said a man with the initials M. Z. would be put to death, appears to confirm that sentence and report two others.

According to the report Saturday, two of the protesters were members of the Kingdom Assembly of Iran, a group that wants to restore the monarchy.

The third, identified as N. A., was said to be a member of People’s Mujahedeen of Iran, an exile group that Iran says works to overthrow the government.

The news of death sentences sparked immediate condemnation from international human rights groups. In the weeks after the election, millions of Iranians marched in the streets of Tehran, charging that Mr. Ahmadinejad stole the race. At least 30 people were killed in a government crackdown that quelled the protests but failed to end the simmering discontent.

“Zamani’s trial was a mockery of justice,” the executive director of Amnesty International USA, Larry Cox, said in a statement. “To impose the death sentence is beyond deplorable. Iran should immediately rescind this sentence.”

The ISNA report, without giving details, said the court also sentenced 18 other protesters. That raised concerns about the hundreds of journalists, former government officials, academics and protesters still held in prison, many incommunicado, said the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, a group based in the United States.

There have been many charges of protesters’ being tortured while in prison, and the government has agreed that some prisoners were abused, although it has continued to dispute accusations that some were raped and sodomized.

“Iranian authorities have released little or no information about many of the approximately 400 persons who remain detained,” the human rights campaign said in a statement, adding that Iran was “violating international standards for due process and raising deep concerns about their health and safety.”

Among those who remain in detention are Maziar Bahari, a filmmaker and reporter for Newsweek, and Shapur Kazemi, the brother-in-law of Mir Hussein Moussavi, who the opposition claims won the election. Mr. Kazemi, 62, is a respected telecommunications engineer and is known for his activities in technical and economic fields rather than for political activism.

Others who are still being held include the former vice president, Mohammad Ali Abtahi; Muhammad Atrianfar, a publisher and confidant of the former president Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani; Mostafa Tajzadeh, a deputy interior minister in the reformist government of the former president Mohammad Khatami; Saeed Leylaz, an economist and former government official; and the journalist Isa Saharkhiz, who according to Iranian news reports suffered broken ribs during interrogation.

Student activists being held include Abdullah Momeni, a former spokesman for the student group Iran Alumni Association, who confessed in court. Mr. Momeni’s wife says he had been badly tortured, according to Iranian news reports.