Leila Zand, Peace with Iran co-founder and FOR Iran Program Director, argues that the demands of the protesters in the streets are part of a larger, 103-year struggle by Iranians for both internal freedoms and autonomy from foreign interference.

(Leila Zand | FOR Peace | 13 August 2009) – When the opponents of Mr. Ahmadinejad announced the possibility of fraud, supporters of the three presidential candidates poured into the streets and demonstrated against the “fraud.”

The basic question was “where is my vote.”  Many believe the demonstrations were the largest since the Islamic Revolution of 1979.  Tehran City Hall estimated the number of demonstrators at around 3 million.  One particular and important element in the demonstrations was the nonviolent way Iranian youth showed their opposition to the result of the election. It was amazing to see how intelligent these young people are.  3 million people in the “silent rallies” in the streets of Tehran invited one another to keep quiet.  Slogans like “my silence is stronger than your gun” were not skeptical. They showed growth and maturity in these young people.

The response from the government was unfortunate–especially after the first Friday prayers, during which Ayatollah Khamenei refuted the claims of the opposition, claiming  “ there was not any fraud,” that “ the idea of fraud is coming from foreigners,” “any demonstration is illegal and if anything happened to demonstrators in the streets the responsibility is on themselves,”  and that he “support[ed] Mr. Ahmadinejad.”

Many believed that this was a green light to authorities to crack down on the demonstrators.  The opposition had hoped not to see that kind of reaction from their Supreme Leader.  The Supreme Leader, who is characterized as the “kind father” of the nation and the “ultimate voice” in disagreements among different groups, shouldn’t take sides. His support of Mr. Ahmadinejad that Friday disappointed many. This time Ayatollah Khameini’s voice couldn’t be “the last and ultimate.”  Demonstrations continued and expanded to other cities.  I have seen videos from Isfahan, Shiraz, Kermanshah, Mashhad, Tabriz, Rasht and, of course, Tehran.

The question is still there:  What do these people want?

Do they want their vote back?  Are they still chanting “where is my vote?”

That was one of the basic and first questions. But there were more questions, after the government’s reaction to the demonstrations became violent, and the killing of some like Neda Agha-Sultan became universally known.  Unfortunately some,  like Sohrab Arabi and Mohsen Ruh-al-Amini, have been killed under severe torture.  This bloody response from the government changed the question from “Where is my vote?” to “Where is my friend?” and later to “Death to the Dictator!”

“Where is my friend?” is not the only reason they are still in the streets.   Perhaps a glance at the contemporary history of Iran can give us some idea what these people want.

In 1905, during the reign of Mozafaredin Shah, demonstrations took place in Teheran and soon expanded to other cities.  Demonstrators wanted a parliament for the first time in Iranian history (and interestingly for the first time in all of Asia). The Shah eventually gave in and signed the “Right of Constitution” on August 1906.

Mozafaredin Shah died shortly after the first parliament started its work and was automatically replaced by his son Mohammad Ali Shah.  The new Shah was opposed to the Parliament and Constitution.  In 1907, with the political and military support of Russia and Britain, he ordered the bombardment of the Parliament.  But the people’s desire for freedom and a constitution and their continued opposition made him flee the country and leave the throne to his son Ahmad Shah.

Ahmad took the throne at age 14 and became Shah with a working parliament.  During the Russian Revolution of 1917, the newborn Soviet desire for Iran made Britain nervous.  Having a weak Shah in an Iran where oil had recently been discovered was a nightmare for Britain.  They picked a strong colonel to take the throne instead of a weak Shah.  In 1925, Reza Khan took the throne through the direct intervention of the British.

During Reza Shah’s reign, Parliament didn’t have much power.  Elections were not fair and free and dictatorship was running the country.  During World War II, although Iran didn’t publicly take sides, the Allies used Iranian land facilities.  However, Reza Shah secretly wished victory in the Germans camps.  So the Allies decided to take the throne from him, as simply as they had handed it to him.   In 1941, the Allies, with the leadership of Britain, gave the throne to Mohammad Reza Shah, the late Shah’s son.

Mohammad Reza Shah held the same policies as his father regarding elections and Parliament – especially a null and ineffective parliament, which was just there, like window-dressing.

In 1953 intellectuals and political leaders of Iran had had enough of dictatorship and started a democratic movement.  They wanted an effective parliament and a new system with less power in the Shah’s hand.  The movement started in the political capital Tehran and immediately spread to all other towns.  Dr. Mohammad Mosaddegh, a promoter of the national oil movement, took leadership.  The movement had the common dreams of every Iranian since 1906 of free and fair elections and a society free of dictatorship.  The Shah fled the country and the movement was victorious.  But the triumph was short-lived.   Again with foreign intervention, the dictator came back to the country and people took their silence home and just continued to dream.  The dictator this time had the support of a new colonial power, the United States.

Iranian people dreamed for many years and much blood was spilled for their dream of democracy.  It took them years to be successful and get the opportunity of having authority over their own country, without a domestic dictator or foreign colonialism. The 1979 revolution was a triumph of the people’s movement and their desire for democracy since 1906.

The revolution of 1979 succeeded through the efforts of all Iranians of different groups and various ideologies: Islamists, Marxists, Islamist-Marxist, and atheist alike.  They used the same three-part slogan, “Isteghlal, Azadi, Jomhurie Islami,” or ” Independent – Freedom- Islamic Republic.”   (There is a whole argument in the last part of the slogan which needs to be discussed in a different article.)  Any political group, large or small, who shared the dream of having a country free of despotism and colonialism was part of this movement. They all shared a dream which had had its beginning in 1906, and which had been destroyed – literally – by the Russians and the British. A dream that bloomed in 1953 and was destroyed again, this time by the US and Britain.  A dream, which finally came true as a beautiful flower and could give the freedom that Iranians had sought for decades.

The success of the Revolution was immediately followed by Saddam Husain’s invasion of Khoramshahr, a city in the south of Iran.  Saddam enjoyed covert international support from the United States and Europe.  The destructive war continued for 8 years.  Iranian solders were busy taking care of borders and defending the country, families in the cities were learning how to use shelters and how to defend themselves in case of a chemical bomb attack.   Bombs that were sold to Saddam by the US.  At the same time, in Tehran, politicians were choking the different voices, shouting off any opposition, anyone who was questioning the new government.   Shortly after the revolution the dream was gone again.

This time people had learned their lesson -  they didn’t want to change everything from bottom to the top and vice-versa.  They wanted to fix what they had, they didn’t want to destroy it.  They wanted an evolution – change from within.  They knew they didn’t have much time: They didn’t want to lag behind in the world. The Iranians didn’t want a Western democracy.  They didn’t want foreigners making decisions for them.  They wanted to take their future in their own hands.  So, based on the Iranian constitution (with all its far and less) they started a reform from within.

In 1997 the reformist movement with the leadership of someone from within the system, someone who knew the history and the pain of Iranians, officially began its existence.

In an amazing election in 1997 Mr. Khatami took the Office of Presidency in Iran.  In 2001 he won a second term as well.  Although he had the support of 80% of Iranians, mostly youth and women, whose rights had been abused in the past, he couldn’t do as much as he promised.  The conservative wing of the government who controlled the vital branches of the Iranian government and enjoyed non-election (and sometimes long life) appointments were against many of Mr. Khatami’s policies and made many difficulties for him during his presidency.

Many observers say that Iranian society became open during Khatami and never went back to old ways, pointing to the relaxed rules about women’s Islamic cover as an example.  But the Iranian desire for freedom and democracy is not bound in a woman’s hijab.  Since the Revolution of 1979, Iranians have asked for a free media, free political parties, free parliament and free elections.  They have asked for an open and modern economy, for foreign and private investment. They have asked for equality between men and women, freedom of religion, freedom of pen, speech and work based on the Human Rights constitution of the United Nations which Iran is a signatory.  At the same time, they have asked for the independence and sovereignty of Iran.

During the 8 years of Mr. Khatami, Iran was not successful in reaching its goal.  But during the presidency of Mr. Ahmadinejad, although he stayed firmly in front of pressure from US, EU and Israel, but  many of Iranian people’s desires and dreams -domestically- have been totally lost.

In June 2009 Iranians participated in an election to rekindle the dreams of the revolution of 1979: to have independence, freedom and republic.  And they voted to fix the problems from within and in a non-violent way.

They began their silent demonstrations with “where is my vote”, a single slogan with 103 years of history behind it.  Now they are in the streets, they know what they want as much as what they dont want.  They are aware of their history, they are mature and intelligent.  Now they don’t want just their “vote” but rather all the rights they lost or that were taken away from them either by despotism or colonialism.  Now they are asking only for what they deserve and what they have been asking for 103 years.

National Public Radio – August 3, 2009

By Mike Schuster

Despite the harsh police crackdown in Tehran, Iran’s opposition movement continues to bring thousands of protesters into the streets to challenge the government.

Just last week, several thousand came out to commemorate those who have been killed since the protests erupted after Iran’s disputed presidential election in June.

On Monday, Iran’s Supreme leader formally endorsed President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad for a second term.

More protests are expected this week when Ahmadinejad is inaugurated on Wednesday.

In a matter of weeks, the opposition movement has transformed itself from a campaign for a presidential candidate to a broader movement challenging the leaders and the foundation of the Islamic republic.

Protest Has ‘Life Of Its Own’

After a lull, the protest movement appears to be gaining strength again, says Hamid Dabashi, professor of Iranian studies at Columbia University.

“It is precisely because the ruling elite of the Islamic republic is conscious of the snowballing effect of these demonstrations that they are cracking down on them so severely and violently. And I’m absolutely convinced that it will continue. This is no longer just in reaction to the presidential election. This has assumed a life of its own,” Dabashi says.

What the opposition movement wants is not entirely clear. The chant, “Down with the dictator,” dominates the demonstrations. But there is a certain ambiguity to that, which seems to suit protesters of different political stripes.

The sentiment could be directed against Ahmadinejad, but also at Iran’s supreme leader himself, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, which would be a more profound challenge to the foundation of the Islamic republic, says Farideh Farhi, an Iranian specialist at the University of Hawaii.

“I think it has ultimately been directed at the supreme leader precisely because he has chosen to take responsibility not only for the fraud that occurred during the election, but also by threatening violence after the election and actually implementing violence after the election,” she says.

No Clear Leader

It is also not clear who is leading the opposition movement, if anyone. Ostensibly, defeated presidential candidate Mir Houssein Mousavi is its leader, but his actions have been severely restricted. He rarely appears in public and is confined to posting his views on Web sites.

Some of Iran’s prominent political figures, such as former President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and former President Mohammad Khatami, have attempted to set specific goals for the movement, but with little real impact, says Mehrzad Boroujerdi, a professor of Middle East studies at Syracuse University.

“Politicians of the ilk of Rafsanjani and Khatami are trying to see if there is any middle-of-the-road type of a solution, either by calling for a referendum or by asking for the release of political prisoners. I don’t think that this is going to satisfy the citizenry any more, and it seems to me that that ship has already left the port,” he says.

It has been a season of political surprises in Iran, beginning in May, just a few weeks before Iran’s June 12 presidential election. Overnight it seemed, hundreds of thousands of people were turning out to support Mousavi, the reformist candidate. He chose green as the symbol of his campaign, and people all over Iran began wearing the color.

Violence Galvanizes Instead Of Deters

On June 13, officials announced that Ahmadinejad was re-elected president — by a seemingly improbable two-to-one margin, no less. And the green movement began its rapid transformation into an opposition, surprising everyone, Farhi says.

“Most people did not expect this kind of popular outrage. Furthermore, they did not expect this popular outrage to persist,” Farhi says.

The violent methods used to try to crush the movement further fueled the outrage. In one cell-phone video, posted on YouTube in late July, a helmeted policeman shoots at demonstrators with a rifle. A man in plainclothes also shoots at the demonstrators with a pistol. One protester falls and a half dozen come to his aid. The people making the video shout at the demonstrators, giving them directions on where to go to get away from the police.

Despite the violence, thousands are still turning out to challenge the government. They don’t number in the millions as they did back in June. But there are still many women, older people and some poorly dressed protesters to supplement the young men — largely from the educated middle class — who are taking the worst beatings.

The demands of the opposition remain vague, but that could change. Repression often breeds radicalization, which could lead to new surprises in the astounding political drama that still has Iran in its grip.

On Saturday July 25, people around the world have the opportunity to support the people of Iran in their struggle for democracy, freedom and basic human rights by attending rallies in dozens of cities around the world.

For more information on the over 100 cities joining the worldwide day of action, please visit, www.united4iran.org. See the United4Iran YouTube video. 

Iran’s internal affairs: Keep the U.S. out

Submitted by Shervin Boloorian on July 22, 2009 on the FORpeaceBlog.

As Congress prepares to consider more Iran sanctions, it should also consider that confrontational U.S. policies have come nowhere close to changing Iran’s behavior in the last 30 years. On the other hand, in reaction to a contested election, the Iranians have formed an unprecedented home-grown movement for political expression through their own resources, their own desire for democratic progress, and their own sacrifices.

No coercive American government policy — be it threat of force or punitive sanctions or negative broadcast propaganda — is responsible for the wave of mass public protest that has taken Tehran by storm and split its political and religious establishments over the last month.

Even still, Democrat and Republican House and Senate members alike still believe (remarkably) that more U.S. sanctions or anti-government broadcasts will somehow help improve the situation. According to activists in Iran, so long as these programs are backed by the U.S. government, they stand to backfire and do more harm than good, and we should resist the urge to support them.

It’s true that the violence from the government crackdowns has been brutal and appalling but, as Stephen Kinzer noted in a recent article, the U.S. government simply lacks the moral authority to intervene in Iran’s internal affairs.

This harsh reality may anger some people, but it’s difficult to dispute that we have a poor track record when it comes to “imposing democracy” in Iran and the Middle East, and that an aggressive reaction to the Iranian government’s practices has historically proven dangerous.

Nobel Laureate Shirin Ebadi’s call for a United Nations human rights monitor to Iran is one option that seems to make sense. This would be a multilateral measure that should put pressure on the Iranian authorities while also placating those who say that the U.S. should do more to help Iran’s people. Of course, it will not placate everybody.

As historic as the current situation is inside Iran, it is also our best opportunity as Americans to do what we have seldom done with respect to Iran — and that is to pause and listen to the will of seasoned civic leaders working tirelessly within the current political system to develop change. Ebadi is a human rights leader and an established and respected name among Iranians as well as the international community. She understands what is needed and I trust that she knows better than certain Iranian exiles, who have not been to Iran in decades.

Iran is one of the founding members of the U.N. and wants to avoid further international fallout. By backing Ebadi’s call for an envoy and not pushing for more coercion, the Iranian government would be placed on the defensive and our message to the Iranian people would be clear — we want to help but we first accept that Iranians should be the masters of their own destiny; democracy in Iran should come from within; it is not and should not be the American government’s struggle. The American people stand in solidarity with your cause, and we accept that it is not our place to dictate the terms of democratic change.

Such gestures may also help reverse years of Iranian disdain and mistrust of America and its intentions in Iran. The Iranian people must believe that coerciveness is not the goal in Washington, and that people working intelligently within the establishment can be more nuanced in their approach to Iran. As an American of Iranian descent, I believe Iranians deserve to see that the American policy world can get it right and that America’s values, goals, and aspirations for peace and progress do not depend on Iran’s surrender.

As has been demonstrated in protests in Washington D.C. and elsewhere in the country, there are a growing number of Americans who genuinely care about the nonviolent struggle for change in Iran, and showing concern and unity of purpose is good. Still, the best bet for our government is to heed the advice of Iran’s civil society until we can redefine the wounded U.S.-Iran relationship through sorely needed trust-building. The belief that America can listen to Iranians within Iran, rather than add to a laundry list of demands and punitive actions, can help rescue this relationship.

Americans can further do their part by asking Congress not to continue the policies of overreaction and intimidation during this delicate time. Asking Congress to reconsider new sanctions legislation and ignore those who would see Iran’s present condition as a weakness to be exploited for self-interest is particularly essential.

Iranian protestors have gained fierce admiration for their courage. Shirin Ebadi and other activist leaders within Iran have been preparing their people for this moment for years. They deserve our attention now more than ever.

Shervin Boloorian is an Iranian American based in Washington DC. Mr. Boloorian just completed a two-year appointment as Washington representative of the Global Security Program at the Union of Concerned Scientists.  Prior to that position, he worked as a legislative coordinator for the National Iranian American Council.

_____________

If you want to support just US foreign policy towards Iran, let the White House know by signing this petition.

Statement and Call to Action

July 9, 2009

Dear Friend of United for Peace and Justice,

Over three weeks ago, Iranians held a presidential election. What followed remains unclear, but one thing is for certain: the Iranian government engaged in the suppression of the rights of Iranians to protest their government.

While UFPJ strongly supports the principle of non-interference in the affairs of others, we also feel compelled – as a coalition which has protested the policies of our government for more than six years now – to stand in solidarity with the people of Iran and their struggle for the elementary right to protest their government and its actions without the threat of death, arrest, or censorship. What has happened in Iran is more than unfortunate; we hope that the people of Iran, regardless of their politics, can remain resilient in their demand for such a basic right.

At the same time, for us here in the U.S., what is even more important is the actions of our own government during this crisis, especially in light of the unfortunate historical role we have played and continue to play in this region. In this regard, signs are mixed.

UFPJ has been encouraged that the Obama administration continues to stick to its campaign promise of direct talks with Iran. At a time of increasing regional instability, the world cannot afford heightened hostilities between the U.S. and Iran.

However, UFPJ is deeply concerned over potential developments in the White House’s policy towards Iran. While official statements have made clear that direct talks remain the key goal, we have heard high administration officials deviate from that official stance time and again. A disturbing example of this discrepancy was Vice President Biden’s comment this weekend in which he indicated that the U.S. would not intervene if Israel decided to militarily attack Iran. These comments are counter-productive, harming not just the potential for constructive talks between the two countries, but also giving an excuse to Iran’s leaders for further reactionary action, such as the suppression of Iranian protestors.

What we need is a White House that is clear in both its promise to engage in direct talks with Iran in the near-future and its principle of non-interference in Iran’s internal affairs. To do this, UFPJ urges you to take the following action:

1] Call the White House at 202-456-1111 and let it know that you want Obama to stick to his promise of direct talks with Iran.

2] Sign-on to Just Foreign Policy’s petition to President Obama, which urges him to keep to the principle of non-interference in Iran’s internal affairs.

And to show solidarity with the people of Iran and their elementary right to protest their government’s actions, we urge you to join up with the United For Iran, Global Day of Action, for a rally in your city on July 25. This Global Day of Action is endorsed by such groups as Amnesty International and Physicians for Human Rights and is a non-partisan event.

Dear All,

10 years ago, on the 9th of July, Iranian students mobilized to demand an end to oppression. Thousands of students, protesting the regime’s shutdown of a popular reformist newspaper, were attacked, beaten and arrested in a bloody confrontation. That day, infamously known by its date in the Persian calendar-the “18 of Tir”- has become a symbol of Iranian movement for freedom.

We obtained a last-minute permit on July 8th, by the police of the 1st district of the city of Chicago, to be part of the “Global Protest in commemoration of “18th of Tir” 1999 (July 9th)”. A peaceful protest will take place in front of the School of the Art Institute of Chicago (112 S. Michigan Ave), from 6-7 pm, prior to the discussion panel (Teach-in Seminar). The “green scroll project” will also be initiated at this event.

Please join us in standing with the people of Iran as they fight for their human rights.

PERMIT INFORMATION:
We are permitted to protest peacefully in solidarity with the Iranian people to commemorate 18th of Tir (July 9th 1999), carrying:
** HAND-HELD SIGNS & BANNERS ONLY **
(In the interest of solidarity, NO FLAGS please. Also, please note that we do not have permission to show exhibits or erect structures on the premises.)

P.S. TO OUR NON-IRANIAN FRIENDS:
We would love to have you at the protest and teach-in! Events in Iran resonate with freedom-loving people around the globe, and we welcome you to join us.

TEACH-IN ON IRAN’S STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY

What has happening in Iran? An evening of solidarity with the democratic movement of the Iranian people. Come and see what you can do!

A PANEL DISCUSSION about the current situation in Iran and the struggle for democracy with scholars in the fields of sociology, political science, and woman’s studies, two Iranian students, a labor activist and a rabbi.

SPEAKERS:
Kaveh Ehsani: Depaul University
Mohsen Ghanefar: North western University
Norma Claire Moruzzi: UIC
Danny Postel: No war on Iran Coalition
Rabbi Brant Rosen: Jewish reconstructionist congregation of Evanston
Ahmad Sadri: Lake Forest College
Negin Sharifzadeh: School of the Art Institute of Chicago
Faith Wilding: School of the Art Institute of Chicago

Thursday, July 9, 2009
Time:  6:00pm – 10:00pm
Location:  School of the Art Institute of Chicago (McLean Center)
Street:  112 S Michigan street
City/Town:   Chicago, IL

Over 1,000 demonstrators gather in Tehran, continuing to protest the June 12 presidential election. Security forces fire tear gas and beat protesters. Many people wear masks to hide their identities.

By Ramin Mostaghim and Borzou Daragahi, Los Angeles TImes, 8:05 AM PDT, July 9, 2009

Reporting from Tehran and Beirut — Violent clashes erupted today in downtown Tehran between more than a thousand determined young men and women chanting, “Death to the dictator” and “God is great” and security forces wielding truncheons.The screams of a woman being beaten could be heard from nearby buildings, a witness said. Business owners could be seen hustling protesters into their buildings to shield them from plainclothes officers and anti-riot police who fired tear gas canisters.

Passing drivers and motorcyclists honked their horns and flashed the “V” sign in support of the clumps of demonstrators. At least one trash bin was set afire, a witness said, sending a plume of black smoke rising as dusk approached.

Many of the demonstrators wore surgical masks to protect their identities from cameras stationed at adjacent buildings. They could be seen escaping into side streets and regrouping as shops quickly were shuttered.

Some witnesses said pro-government Basiji militiamen also could be seen wearing masks to hide their faces from digital cameras.

Protesters chanted in support of Mir-Hossein Mousavi, who was defeated by President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in disputed elections last month, and urged the security forces to join them.

Uniformed security forces on motorcycles wearing black helmets and plainclothes officers had blocked off streets around Revolution Square, near the Tehran University epicenter of the protest. The Basiji militiamen could be seen fanning out throughout side streets to block demonstrators trying to flee. Armored police vans to haul away protesters could be seen parked along the roadways.

But as the militiamen tried to drag away demonstrators, one witness said, protesters joined together to overpower them and rescue their comrades. The witness also said he saw some women with their headscarves pulled off being forced into police vans. Another woman taking pictures with her cellphone camera was dragged away.

Despite the lack of formal organization and leadership, thousands of people in cities across Iran were determined to march today in unauthorized demonstrations to show their discontent over Ahmadinejad’s reelection and to commemorate the 10th anniversary of a violent confrontation between students and security forces.

Tehran Gov. Gen. Morteza Tamaddon said earlier today that any protesters would receive a “crushing” response, and security forces appeared to be responding brutally at times to the attempt at a public demonstration. One witness described how five Basiji militiamen pummeled an elderly lady who loudly warned them that they would receive their comeuppance on Judgment Day.

Tammadon said, “The enemies of the Iranian nation are angry with the postelection calm in Iran and try to damage it through their TV channels.”

Ahmadinejad’s June 12 reelection, marred by opposition allegations of massive vote-rigging, has created the biggest political rift within the nation since the first years after the 1979 Islamic Revolution. A movement built on Mousavi’s campaign continues to challenge authorities, who have attempted to crush dissent by beating and jailing demonstrators.

The Guardian Council, which oversaw the vote and a limited recount, announced Wednesday that it would publish an 80-page report addressing complaints about the election to submit to Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and the Iranian people, according to the pro-government Fars news agency.

Iranian hard-line cleric Ayatollah Ahmad Khatami publicly denied reports that some clergy were gathering signatures to remove or reduce the power of Khamenei, according to Fars, an unusual comment that some analysts said only served to heighten rumors that such a move was afoot.

The Assembly of Experts, which oversees the office of the supreme leader, is led by Khamenei’s rival, Ayatollah Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, within Iran’s unique political system, which grants the clergy absolute rule under a theological concept known as Velayat Faqih, or the guardianship of jurisprudence.

“I reassure the great Iranian nation that the Assembly of Experts will protect Velayat Faqih and will carry out its duty, which is safeguarding Velayat Faqih,” said Khatami.

By NASSER KARIMI – July 9, 2009 (3:45 AM EDT)

TEHRAN, Iran (AP) — Hundreds of young men and women chanted “death to the dictator” and fled baton-wielding police in the capital Thursday as opposition activists sought to revive street protests despite authorities’ vows to “smash” any new marches.

For days, supporters of opposition leader Mir Hossein Mousavi have been calling for new protests in Tehran and other cities on Thursday, their first significant attempt to get back on the streets since security forces crushed massive demonstrations nearly two weeks ago in Iran’s postelection turmoil.

Tehran governor Morteza Tamaddon warned that any new march Thursday would meet the same fate.

“If some individuals plan to carry out any anti-security actions by listening to calls by counterrevolutionary networks, they will be smashed under the feet of our aware people,” he said, according to the state news agency IRNA in a report late Wednesday.

Thursday afternoon, a stepped-up number of uniformed policemen along with plainclothes Basiji militiamen stood at intersections all along Revolution Street and at nearby near Tehran University, some of the sites where protests were called.

Still, a group of around 300 young people gathered in front of Tehran University and began to chant, “Death to the dictator,” witnesses said. Many of them wore green surgical masks, the color of Mousavi’s movement.

Police charged at them, swinging batons, but the protesters fled, then regrouped at another corner and resumed chanting, the witnesses said. Police chased them repeatedly as the protesters continued to regroup, the witnesses said, speaking on condition of anonymity because they feared government retribution.

Within an hour, the number of protesters grew to about 700 and marched toward the gates of Tehran University, the witnesses said. A line of policemen blocked their path, but they did nothing to disperse the gathering as the protesters stood and continued to chant, the witnesses said.

At another location, on Valiasr Street, around 200 protesters gathered, and police fired tear gas to disperse them, but the demonstrators sought to regroup elsewhere, the witnesses said.

It was the first such protests in 11 days, since the crackdown — though it did not compare to the hundreds of thousands who joined the marches that erupted after the June 12 presidential election, protesting what the opposition said were fraudulent results.

The calls for a new march have been circulating for days on social networking Web sites and pro-opposition Web sites. Opposition supporters planned the marches to coincide with the anniversary Thursday of a 1999 attack by Basij on a Tehran University dorm to stop protests in which one student was killed.

Mousavi and his pro-reform supporters say he won the election, which official results showed as a landslide victory for incumbent hard-liner Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

Supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei declared the results valid after a partial recount and warned that unrest would not be tolerated.

In the crackdown since the election, at least 20 protesters and 7 Basijis were killed.

Police have said 1,000 people were arrested and that most have since been released. But the state-run English language news network Press TV quoted prosecutor-general Qorban-Ali Dorri Najafabadi saying Wednesday that 2,500 people were arrested and that 500 of them could face trial. The remainder, he said, have been released.

Among those still being held are top figures in the country’s reform movement, including a former vice president and former Cabinet members. Arrests have continued over the past week, with police rounding up dozens of activists, journalists and bloggers.

Ahead of Thursday’s planned march, authorities appeared to have taken a number of other steps to prevent participation. SMS mobile phone messaging was down Thursday for a third straight day — a step believed to be aimed at thwarting protesters’ communications. A similar cutoff took place from the election until a week ago, amid the height of the protests.

The government also closed down universities and called a government holiday on Tuesday and Wednesday, citing a heavy dust and pollution cloud that has blanketed Tehran and other parts of the country this week. Many saw the move as aimed at keeping students away from campuses where protests could be organized. Thursday is a weekend day in Iran, and many people used the surprise long holiday to travel to other cities where weather was better.

Iranian authorities have depicted the postelection turmoil as instigated by enemy nations aiming to thwart Ahmadinejad’s re-election, and officials say some of those detained confessed to fomenting the unrest. Opposition supporters say the confessions were forced under duress.

To our friends outside IRAN.

The thugs and thieves of IRAN that are currently (hopefully for not too long) running IRAN, want the public to report the who & whereabouts of Iranians that have demonstrated recently (See attached links).

Can all those that live outside IRAN SPAM these sites with whatever method. At the bottom of the page ( See LINK) there are 3 squares. First is for name (use false names) Second is your email address (Leave it empty) Third is details. In the third square please use as colorful language as you can. Send thousands of emails. You can write in English.

http://www.gerdab.ir/fa/pages/?cid=422
http://www.gerdab.ir/fa/pages/?cid=407
http://www.gerdab.ir/home.php
http://www.gerdab.ir/fa/pages/?cid=422
http://www.gerdab.ir/fa/pages/?cid=407
http://www.gerdab.ir/home.php