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(Bob Simon | 60 Minutes – CBS News | 22 November 2009) - Recently freed after four months of interrogation and torture in Iran, Newsweek reporter Maziar Bahari tells his story to Bob Simon and writes about his ordeal in the next issue of Newsweek.

In the next two “extra” video segments, “A Peaceful Terrorist” and “Mr. Hillary Clinton” journalist Maziar Bahari explains how he was the most dangerous kind of opponent to the Iranian government and how a strange nickname gave him hope in an Iranian prison.

A Peaceful Terrorist

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Mr. Hillary Clinton

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(Muhammad Sahimi | Tehran Bureau | 8 November 2009) - Except for a brief period in the beginning of President Mohammad Khatami’s first term (1998-2000); and earlier, between 1941, when Allied forces occupied Iran, and 1953, the year the CIA-led a coup against the popular government of Dr. Mohammad Mosaddegh, freedom of the press in Iran has been under constant assault over the past century. Hundreds of Iranian journalists have been jailed or driven into exile. Many have been murdered. In short, Iran has become one of the most dangerous countries in the world to be a journalist.

Iranian officials have always claimed that there is complete freedom of expression in Iran. Many Iranians may agree with that assessment. The real problem is that there is almost never any freedom after expression. Almost any public expression of opinion in a large gathering has been immediately followed by harsh government retribution. This has been true for at least 120 years.

After Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was elected president in June 2005, Hossein Saffar Harandi, a Brigadier General in the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC), was appointed Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance, the official organ that supervises and monitors the press and book publication. “Every official political group and party will be allowed to have its own publication and mouthpiece,” Saffar Harandi pronounced at the time.

But it quickly became clear that what Saffar Harandi had in mind was a privilege reserved for Ahmadinejad allies. Even Hamshahri, the daily published by Tehran’s city council, was assaulted by Saffar Harandi’s Ministry, because it was acting as the mouthpiece of Ahmadinejad’s competitor, Tehran Mayor Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf. Ironically, Qalibaf, a Principlist, was the former commander of the IRGC air force.

After the rigged June 12 presidential election, as widespread demonstrations and protests gripped the country, many leading reformist journalists and bloggers were arrested and imprisoned. The pace of arrests has not slowed down. While some journalists have been released, many more remain incarcerated, and others handed long prison sentences. Some journalists who are also recognized as political figures have been treated harshly. Long stretches in solitary confinement has been a common feature of these incarcerations.

Last month Reporters Without Borders (RWB), the international press watchdog group, released its latest Press Freedom Index (PFI), a ranking of countries in terms of the degree of freedom that their journalists enjoy. Although Iran’s ranking has never been high, it fell precipitously in the wake of the demonstrations that broke out this summer. The demonstrations gave rise to what RWB called “regime paranoia about journalists and bloggers.” But, in fact, that paranoia has always existed in Iran.

RWB’s bottom ten consists of Vietnam, Yemen, China, Laos, Cuba, Burma, Iran, Turkmenistan, North Korea, and Eritrea. Iran, a virtual military junta led by the IRGC, is in “distinguished” company: Burma, a country also run by a military junta; Turkmenistan, a nation under the spell of a cult of personality; and North Korea, a country in the clutches of a reclusive “Dear Leader.”

So many reformist newspapers and publications have been closed after the rigged election that Mashallah Shamsolvaezin, the distinguished reformist journalist, estimates that at least 2000 people have lost their jobs over the last four months alone. He has said that 400 journalists have asked him for a letter of recommendation, hoping to find jobs abroad. At least 30 journalists have been forced to leave Iran, including Nazila Fathi, a contract writer in Tehran for the New York Times.

The following is a list of those whose arrest and imprisonment have been confirmed, together with a brief background, if available. Some may have been released, which is noted if the information was available. The list may not be exhaustive. This list contains the names of 72 journalists, but the RWB has said that 100 journalists have been arrested in Iran over the past 150 days.

Marjan Abdollahian was on the staff of the moderate conservative Hamshahri newspaper, published by Tehran’s city council; arrested July 9.

Mohammad Ali Abtahi Chief of Staff, and then Vice President to Mohammad Khatami for parliamentary affairs; a principal advisor to Mehdi Karroubi (the other reformist candidate) in the rigged June presidential election; popular reformist and one of the first clerics to launch a blog, Webnevesht; a leading member of the Association of Combatant Clerics, the reformist leftist clerical organization that supports Mir Hossein Mousavi.

Bahman Ahmadi Amooei journalist and husband of Jila Bani Yaghoob.

Reza Alijani winner of RWB’s 2001 Fondation de France press freedom prize; close to the Nationalist-Religious Coalition, has been jailed numerous times; arrested June 13 (later released).

Morteza Alviri leading advisor to Mehdi Karroubi; contributor to many reformist newspapers, particularly to the daily Hamshahri, when he was Tehran’s Mayor (released recently).

Mahsa Amrabadi reporter for the Etemaad-e Melli (National Trust) daily, the mouthpiece of the National Trust Party of Mehdi Karroubi; arrested June 14 and kept in solidarity confinement while pregnant (released recently).

Karim Arghandehpour journalist writing for reformist newspapers Salaam, and, Vaghaa-ye Ettefaaghiyeh, both of which were shut down by the hard-liners. He ran a blog, www.futurama.ir.

Hassan Asadi Zaydabadi blogger, and director of the human rights committee of the Organization of University Graduates of Islamic Iran (known in Iran as Advaar-e Tahkim); a supporter of Karroubi.

Mohammad Atrianfar deputy Interior Minister in the first Khatami administration; member of the Central Committee of the Executives of Reconstruction Party (ERP), a reformist party; editor-in-chief of the popular daily Hamshahri during the second Khatami administration; manager of Shargh, a popular daily reformist newspaper shut down by the hardliners.

Shokoufeh Azar reformist journalist.

Jila Baniyaghoob prominent female journalist, working previously for many reformist newspapers; editor of the website Kannon-e Zanaan-e Irani (Center for Iranian Women); writing at http://irwomen.net; winner of numerous awards (released).

Behzad Basho cartoonist, arrested June 14.

Masoud Bastani journalist and husband of Mahsa Amrabadi. On 5 July when he asked authorities about the fate of his pregnant wife, he was also arrested. After his show trial, he was handed a sentence of several years in jail.

Misagh Bolhasani a poet publishing her work in dailies and other publications.

Alireza Eftekhari journalist working for Abrar, an economic daily; died from injuries sustained on 15 June at the hands of security forces.

Satiar Emami Photojournalist.

Mostafa Ghavanlou Qajar blogs at www.shajar.ir and contributor to the U.S.-funded Radio Farda.

Saeed Hajjarian leading reformist strategist; advisor to Mohammad Khatami during his presidency; editor-in-chief of Sobh-e Emrooz (this morning), a leading reformist newspaper shut down by the hardliners; member of the Central Committee of the reformist Islamic Iran Participation Front, Iran’s largest political party; deputy Minister of Intelligence for counter-intelligence (1984-89); semi-paralyzed by an assassination attempt on his life in March 2000; recently released after receiving a suspended five-year sentence following a televised show trial.

Mir-Hamid Hassanzadeh formerly with ISNA, the Iranian Student News Agency (ISNA) and director of Ghalam News website, close to Mir-Hossein Mousavi; arrested August 5.

Hadi Haydari cartoonist and member of the public relations department of the Islamic Iran Participation Front. (released)

Mashallah Haydarzadeh a journalist active in southern Iran; arrested June 14.

Arash Hejazi writer and publisher (tried and sentenced to several months in jail).

Alireza Hosseini Beheshti Editor-in-Chief of Kalameh Sabz (green word), the daily mouthpiece of Mir Hossein Mousavi. The daily was closed after the rigged election (since released).

Kouroush Javan photojournalist.

Hamzeh Karami reformist journalist.

Mohammad Reza Khatami younger brother of the former president; a medical doctor (nephrologist); former deputy Health Minister for two years; one of the founders of the Islamic Iran Participation Front in 1998, its first Secretary-General, and currently a member of its central committee; a faculty member at Tehran University of Medical Sciences; elected in March 2000 to the 6th Majles as the first Tehran deputy with 1,794,365 votes; managing editor of the now-banned reformist daily Mosharekat [participation], the mouthpiece of the IIPF; married to Zahra Eshraghi, granddaughter of Ayatollah Khomeini and an activist in women’s rights (released later).

Mehdi Khazali publisher of Hayyan; son of prominent conservative cleric, Ayatollah Abolghasem Khazali.

Ebrahim Khoshchehreh journalist close to the Nationalist-Religious Coalition, active in Lahijan (in northern Iran); arrested June 21.

Saeed Leylaaz Economic advisor to the Khatami administration; journalist; strong critic of Ahmadinejad’s economic policies.

Hassan Maadikhah director of the Zarreh Publication and son of Abdol-Majid Maadikhah, the former Minister of Cultural and Islamic Guidance.

Hamideh Mahhozi a reformist journalist active in southern Iran.

Javad Mahzadeh reformist journalist.

Rajabali Mazrouiee head of the Journalists Association; reformist Majles (parliament) deputy in the 6th Majles (2000-2004); economic editor of Salaam (1991-1999), the popular reformist daily that was closed by the hardliners in 1999; arrested on 20 June (released later).

Seyyed Khalil Mir Ashrafi a television producer and journalist, arrested June 14.

Mohsen Mirdamadi Secretary-General of the Islamic Iran Participation Front; chairman of the 6th Majles Committee on National Security; one of the three principal leaders of US Embassy takeover in 1979; editor of Norooz, the mouthpiece of IIPF, which was closed by the hardliners; arrested June 14.

Saeed Movahedi freelance photojournalist; arrested July 9.

Mohammad Hossein Naeimipour blogged at www.mowj.ir; leader of Pouyesh-e Sabz (Green Wave), a youth organization supporting Mohammad Khatami and Mir Hossein Mousavi; son of Mohammad Naeimipour, the prominent reformist journalist.

Shiva Nazari Ahari blogged at http://azadiezan.blogspot.com; member of the Reporters of Human Rights Committee; arrested June 13.

Behanam Nikzad journalist arrested on November 4.

Kambiz Norouzi Secretary of the Legal Committee of the Iranian Journalists Association.

Mohammad Reza Nourabakhsh editor of the daily Farhikhtegan (the intellectual elites); recently closed by the hardliners.

Hossein Nouraninejad runs the blog, haboot-e natamam; director of Mir Hossein Mousavi’s campaign in western Tehran; a leading member of the reformist Islamic Iran Participation Front.

Fariba Pajooh journalist covering national politics and foreign policy for major Iranian news agencies and newspapers since 1999, including dailies such as Shargh, Etemad Melli, Ham Mihan (all closed by the hardliners), Iran, Aftab Yazd, and Seda-ye Edalat; Shahr news agency, the Iranian Labor News Agency, the Iranian Student News Agency; and Gozaresh, a monthly magazine.

Ali Pirhosseinlou blogger for Norooz, the website of the reformist Islamic Iran Participation Front; arrested together with his wife (released after 50 days in jail).

Farhad Pouladi journalist working for AFP; arrested November 4 (reportedly released).

Mojtaba Pourmohsen editor of Gilaan-e Emrooz (Today’s Gilaan); Gilaan is a province in northern Iran by the Caspian Sea; contributor to Radio Zamaneh (a Persian radio station based in the Netherlands) from Rasht (Gilaan’s provincial capital); arrested June 15.

Mohammad Qoochani prominent reformist journalist, editor of many reformist newspapers shut down by the hardliners (e.g., Shargh [east]; Hammihan [compatriot], and the weekly, Shahrvand Emrooz [today's citizen]); editor of Etemaad-e Melli; son-in-law of Emad Baghi, the prominent journalist and human rights advocate (released recently).

Taghi Rahmani close to the Nationalist-Religious Coalitions; has spent 14 years in jail over the past 30 years; husband of Narges Mohammadi, a prominent human rights advocate; arrested June 13 (and later released).

Hoda Saber close to the Nationalist-Religious Coalition; jailed numerous times; arrested June 13 (released later).

Shadi Sadr journalist and human rights advocate (released later).

Eisa Saharkhiz an outspoken journalist critic of the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei; contributor to www.roozonline.com; in charge of the domestic press during the first two years of Khatami’s presidency, a period when the Iranian press blossomed; arrested July 5.

Majid Saidi Photojournalist

Kayvan Samimi Behbahani Managing editor of Naameh (Letter), a monthly publication, close to the Nationalist-Religious Coalition. Naameh was also closed.

Negar Sayeh journalist

Hengameh Shahidi journalist for Etemaad-e Melli and advisor to Karroubi; went on a hunger strike in jail (released recently; currently on trial).

Ruhollah Shahsavar a journalist in Mashhad (in northeastern Iran); arrested June 17.

Saeed Shariti the editor of the news website Nooroz, the official site of the reformist Islamic Iran Participation Front, the largest political party in Iran.

Mehdi Shirzad blogger; son of Dr. Ahmad Shirzad, a leading member of Islamic Iran Participation Front, and a critic of Ahmadinejad’s nuclear policy. (released)

Amanollah Shojaei a blogger living in Bushehr, in southern Iran; arrested June 14.

Hossein Shokouhi reporter and journalist writing for Payaam-e Jonoob (the Message of the South), in southern Iran.

Fariborz Soroush freelance journalist who worked for US-funded Radio Farda; imprisoned in the past for his work for Radio Farda; arrested in Karaj, a town 40 km west of Tehran.

Abdolreza Tajik political activist, economist, and close to the Freedom Movement of Iran and the Nationalist-Religious Coalition; has worked for many reformist newspapers, including Bahar (closed in 2001), Hambastegi (closed in 2003) and Shargh (closed in 2008); arrested June 14 at the headquarters of the daily Farhikhtegan (the intellectual elites). (released)

Mostafa Tajzadeh Deputy Interior Minister in the first Khatami administration; supervised elections for the first city councils and the 6th Majles, praised for its even-handedness and transparency; member of the Central Committees of both the Islamic Iran Participation Front and the Islamic Revolution Mojahedin Organization; outspoken critic of the hardliners; contributor to many reformist newspapers and websites; arrested June 14.

Mojtaba Tehrani Journalist at Etemaad-e Melli daily, arrested 29 June.

Somayyeh Tohidloo blogger at http://smto.ir ; political activist; sociologist; supporter of Mir Hossein Mousavi.

Mehdi Yazdani Khorram an editor at Etemaad-e Melli, arrested 5 August.

Mohammad Reza Yazdanpanah journalist and blogger, arrested 7 July.

Mehdi Zaboli is a photographer.

Ali Zare is photojournalist for the daily Hamshahri.

Nafiseh Zare Kohan is a blogger who worked for many reformist newspapers; arrested 4 November together with her husband Hojjat Sharifi.

Ahmad Zaydabadi distinguished journalist writing for roozonline.com and print media in Iran; Secretary General of the Organization of University Graduates of Islamic Iran (known in Iran as Advaar-e Tahkim); a supporter of Karroubi and close to the Nationalist-Religious Coalition. According to his wife Mahdiyeh Mohammadi, he has been kept in solitary confinement for so long that at one point he came close to committing suicide. He is said to be under incredible pressure to apologize to Ayatollah Ali Khamenei for writing an open letter criticizing the Supreme Leader.

In addition, Maziar Bahari, the Iranian-Canadian journalist and a correspondent for Newsweek in Iran, was arrested on 22 June. He was released on bail on October 17 and was allowed to leave Iran.

Foreign journalists have also not escaped the wrath of the hardliners. Two Dutch TV journalists working for Nederland 2 were arrested and expelled. Reporter Yolanda Alvarez of the Spanish television station TVE was deported together with her crew. Jon Leyne of the BBC was also expelled. A Danish journalism student, Niels Krogsgaard, 31, has been the latest foreigner targeted. He was reported missing on Wednesday, 4 November after attending a rally making the 30th anniversary of the US Embassy takeover.

The new Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance is Seyyed Ahmad Hossein, who was the president of Payam-e Nour (message of light) University. The ultra-conservative’s deputy in charge of the press is Mohammad Ali Ramin, a reactionary who lived in Germany, where he may have been associated with Neo-Nazis. Ramin was behind Ahmadinejad’s denial of the Holocaust, and secretary-general of the 2006 Holocaust conference in Tehran.

In his first act as the Deputy Minister, Ramin ordered closure of Sarmayeh (capital), a daily close to the reformists.

It’s not clear what crime these journalists have committed other than showing support for candidates who were carefully vetted by the conservative Guardian Council. Others were defending the human and political rights of Iranians and deserve the support of all those who care about human dignity and freedom.

Shuttering newspapers and jailing journalists who have been reporting and analyzing the events of the past few months, even when critical of the government, is in the national interest of the Islamic Republic (especially if it continues to claim any part of that name). When people are unable to get accurate information and objective analysis from informed sources inside the country, they turn to foreign outlets whose understanding of Iran is far less. Some may even try to spin information to advance the interests of foreign powers. If Iran were a bit more sophisticated about its security interests, it should be clear by now that it’s on the wrong path.

Upcoming discussions with Iran should address its nuclear program and its awful human rights record.

(LA Times | Editorial | 19 September 2009) – The Obama administration has agreed to direct talks with the government of Iran, along with the other permanent members of the U.N. Security Council and Germany, at a meeting scheduled for Oct. 1. Now the question is: What will they talk about?

The United States and its allies want to discuss the Islamic Republic’s nuclear program, of course; that’s why they’re meeting. Tehran has proposed a sweeping agenda of global affairs that seems to include everything but its uranium enrichment activities. Human rights activists, meanwhile, are pressing for the group to address Iranian political repression in the aftermath of the contested presidential election, presenting the Obama administration with a potential conflict between U.S. strategic goals of nonproliferation and regional stability, and its interest in promoting democracy and civil rights.

Iran’s postelection human rights record is awful. The country’s political opposition says 72 people were killed in violence following the June reelection of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad — twice the government’s count. Of the approximately 4,000 people imprisoned for protests against alleged vote fraud, an estimated 300 to 400 opposition leaders, journalists and student activists remain in jail, accused of trying to launch a “velvet revolution” to topple the government. About 100 detainees have faced mass trials on myriad charges ranging from acting against national security to spreading propaganda and destroying public property. Some prisoners have been held incommunicado and in solitary confinement, and some were beaten, according to international human rights groups; opposition leaders maintain that they have documented a few cases of rape, although a government judicial committee has rejected the allegations. Freedom of speech has been quashed.

Although the central issue of the upcoming talks is and should be nuclear weapons, it is important that the world powers also register their concern about Iran’s human rights record, as silence would amount to condoning it. The United States must reject torture and the denial of free speech, the right of assembly and due process — ever more so after our own lapses in recent years.

There is often a conflict between realpolitik and idealist politics. In this case, the United States must carefully balance its overriding goal of preventing Iran from developing a nuclear weapon with its moral imperative to speak out against human rights violations. But this has been made easier by the fact that, in seeking to divert talks from its nuclear program, Iran offered a five-page proposal for dialogue on security, economic and political issues, including “principles of democracy and the right of people to have free elections.” Iran may hope to use thatto bring up Abu Ghraib, Guantanamo Bay and even Bush vs. Gore, but to us, it seems to offer an opening to discuss Iran’s elections in the framework of international justice and law. Just as the world looks to Iran to live up to its nonproliferation commitments, so it expects the Islamic Republic to honor international principles and signed conventions on civil rights. Both topics should be addressed.

Nature, Scale of Abuses Indicate Coordinated Efforts Ordered at Highest Levels

(Human Rights Watch | 14 August 2009) - The Iranian government should investigate the nation’s top security officials to determine whether attacks on demonstrators and detainees following the disputed June 12, 2009 election were ordered and coordinated at the highest levels, Human Rights Watch said today.Human Rights Watch said that its research indicates a pattern and degree of coordination in the repeated serious abuses against largely peaceful protesters and detainees that suggests that the abuse was ordered at top levels. Those investigated should include Esameel Ahmadi Moghaddam, chief of Iran’s national police, and Hossein Taeb, leader of the Basiji paramilitary, both hierarchical organizations that operate from the top down.

“The number and scale of the abuses by both the police and Basij make it pretty clear that they must have been following orders,” said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “Investigation into the abuse needs to go right to the top to find out who gave the orders.”

Witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch in the weeks following the presidential election indicate that Basij paramilitaries and the police were responsible for regular and widespread abuses across Tehran, at least (Human Rights Watch was not able to interview witnesses outside Tehran). In episode after episode, the police and Basiji detained dozens of people, assaulting them during the arrests, and then beating them in detention.

In just one example, on the night of June 14, police and plainclothes Basiji forces, attacked Tehran University dormitories, assaulting students and damaging the buildings. According to an official in the office of the Supreme Leader, more than 100 people were wounded. The parliamentary fact-finding committee, speaking to reporters on June 19, said, “Some of the attackers were official uniformed police officers and some of them were plainclothes forces who were not part of the police force, but who were acting in complete unison with the police.” Several students who live in the dormitories told Human Rights Watch that the police did not intervene on their behalf when plainclothes forces attacked them.

The Basij and police arrested a number of students at the dormitory that night and transferred them to a detention area on the fourth floor of the Ministry of Interior, where, the students have said, the Basij and police physically and verbally abused them. The parliamentary fact-finding committee confirmed the existence of this detention center, and said that the police had refused to provide information necessary to investigate allegations of abuse.

Human Rights Watch also documented other instances in the post-election period in which Basij paramilitaries, in apparent coordination with police, beat and detained peaceful protesters in various areas of Tehran.

A released detainee whom plainclothes security forces arrested on June 16 in Tehran’s Baharestan Square told Human Rights Watch that his captors took him to a Basij base near the location of his arrest, where 18 other detainees were being held in a 20- square-meter basement:

“As soon as I arrived, three plainclothes Basij beat me so badly that I was bleeding from my face and knees. During the time I was there, they severely beat all new detainees and cursed us with profanities. I was there for more than 72 hours. Then they drove me and other detainees to a police station. They handed us over to the police, and we were held there for a few more days before being released.”

Other witnesses told Human Rights Watch that Basij and police also acted together during nighttime raids aimed at silencing protesters who were chanting from the rooftops of their residences.

One location in which Moghaddam, the police chief, appears to have direct responsibility is the Kahrizak detention center, near Tehran, where Iranian authorities have acknowledged that abuses and at least one death took place. On July 27, the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, ordered Kahrizak closed following the death in detention of Mohsen Roohalamini, the son of a prominent government official.

Security forces had detained Roohalamini on July 9 and informed his family of his death on July 23. Authorities later said that the Kahrizak director had been dismissed and that three guards would be prosecuted for prisoner abuse. Authorities have not said when or where Roohalamini died, or under what circumstances.

Iran’s Judiciary authorities had ordered the Kahrizak detention facilities closed two years ago, citing “nonconformance to standards,” but it remained open until the end of July.

Moghaddam said in a public ceremony on August 9 that any detainee deaths at Kahrizak were from an unspecified “viral illness.” He also acknowledged that junior police officers at Kahrizak had severely beaten detainees, but claimed that senior police officials had no role in any abuse. “I intend to take responsibility, but from the very beginning I had said that students should not be held at Kahrizak and should not be detained with criminals,” he said. “Nevertheless they were sent to Kahrizak by the order of the Judiciary. The reason was lack of detention space elsewhere, and I don’t think that was proper.”

Statements by members of parliament suggest, though, that senior police officers should be held accountable for the abuses at Kahrizak. On August 9, Hamid-Reza Katouzian, a member from Tehran who served on the governmental fact-finding committee mandated to review post-election abuses, told reporters that, “The chief of police is responsible for Kahrizak and he must be held accountable.” Katouzian added that Moghaddam “receives daily reports” about conditions there. According to the daily Etemad, Kazem Jalali, another member of the parliamentary committee, said that police authorities have not responded to the committee’s requests for information.

“Closing one detention center and blaming abuses on a few low-ranking officials is hardly enough to ensure accountability for the widespread abuses since the election,” Stork said. “The government should investigate high-ranking officials as well, and punish any found to have ordered abuses.”

Background

The Basiji (Nirooye Moghavemate Basij, the Resistance Mobilization Force) is a volunteer paramilitary force of men and women, “a large people’s militia,” created by Ayatollah Khomeini in November 1979 to advance the aims of the Islamic Revolution. They engage in a wide range of activities, but their core duties are to help maintain law and order, repress dissent, and enforce their conservative interpretation of Islamic codes of dress and behavior. There are numerous documented examples of how, during times of protests, they frequently beat and intimidate protesters. The Basiji have been unofficially operating as a shadow police force, setting up checkpoints at night to catch drunk drivers and otherwise act as morality police.

The Basij forces are a two-tiered system made up of a semi-decentralized network of volunteers and paid commanders, who issue orders to the volunteers. The Basijis have branches throughout Iran, including in many social institutions such as schools, universities, state-owned factories, mosques, and government offices. The vast majority of Basij bases have access to arms.

Although the volunteers may occasionally act as individuals, they receive instructions from commanders for events such as protests. The commanders, in turn, take orders from the chief of Basij. Taeb was named to that position in October 2007 by General Mohammad-Ali Jafari.

Iran has a national police force. Police stations report to district chiefs, and district chiefs report to the provincial chiefs, who in turn report to Moghaddam. Tehran has 22 police districts.

The Right to Peaceful Protest

In the days following Iran’s presidential election on Friday 12 June, many thousands took part in marches and demonstrations across the country, condemning both the process and outcome of the election.Amnesty International calls on the Iranian authorities to allow peaceful demonstrations, to exercise restraint in the policing of any further demonstrations, to stop using the Basij militia to police protests, and to ensure that firearms are not used except as a last resort and where strictly unavoidable in order to protect life.

Following the mass arrests of demonstrators and opposition activists in Iran over recent weeks in connection with the disputed presidential election, Amnesty International has compiled a list of the names or identities of 368 arrested people. Should you have any further information about arrests, killings and other human rights abuses in Iran please send them to iran.alerts@googlemail.com and iranalert@amnesty.org. All information will be dealt with confidentially.

Write to Iran’s Supreme Leader

Call on Ayatollah Khamenie to take action to ensure the human rights of the people of Iran are respected.

To send an email directly to the Supreme leader, please visit: http://www.leader.ir/langs/en/index.php?p=letter

To send a letter to Ayatollah Sayed’Ali Khamenie through Amnesty International click here.

Amnesty International Letter to Ayatollah Sayed ‘Ali Khamenei

Dear Ayatollah Khamenei,

I have been watching the events in Iran over the past number of weeks with serious concern. I have seen peaceful protests attacked, protesters beaten and, in some cases, killed, and read of thousands being arrested.

I call on you to release all those imprisoned for simply exercising their rights to freedom of speech and assembly. For those accused of engaging in criminal acts, I call on you to ensure they receive a fair trial, with no reliance on forced “confessions” and that they are not sentenced to death.

All those imprisoned must be protected from torture and other forms of ill-treatment. To ensure this, you should clarify who is in detention and where they are being held and allow them access to their families and lawyers of their choice.

Finally, I call on you to clarify who has been killed, and to ensure that all deaths at the hands of security forces or in custody are properly and independently investigated and that anyone responsible for abuses is brought to justice promptly and fairly.

Yours sincerely,

Iran’s internal affairs: Keep the U.S. out

Submitted by Shervin Boloorian on July 22, 2009 on the FORpeaceBlog.

As Congress prepares to consider more Iran sanctions, it should also consider that confrontational U.S. policies have come nowhere close to changing Iran’s behavior in the last 30 years. On the other hand, in reaction to a contested election, the Iranians have formed an unprecedented home-grown movement for political expression through their own resources, their own desire for democratic progress, and their own sacrifices.

No coercive American government policy — be it threat of force or punitive sanctions or negative broadcast propaganda — is responsible for the wave of mass public protest that has taken Tehran by storm and split its political and religious establishments over the last month.

Even still, Democrat and Republican House and Senate members alike still believe (remarkably) that more U.S. sanctions or anti-government broadcasts will somehow help improve the situation. According to activists in Iran, so long as these programs are backed by the U.S. government, they stand to backfire and do more harm than good, and we should resist the urge to support them.

It’s true that the violence from the government crackdowns has been brutal and appalling but, as Stephen Kinzer noted in a recent article, the U.S. government simply lacks the moral authority to intervene in Iran’s internal affairs.

This harsh reality may anger some people, but it’s difficult to dispute that we have a poor track record when it comes to “imposing democracy” in Iran and the Middle East, and that an aggressive reaction to the Iranian government’s practices has historically proven dangerous.

Nobel Laureate Shirin Ebadi’s call for a United Nations human rights monitor to Iran is one option that seems to make sense. This would be a multilateral measure that should put pressure on the Iranian authorities while also placating those who say that the U.S. should do more to help Iran’s people. Of course, it will not placate everybody.

As historic as the current situation is inside Iran, it is also our best opportunity as Americans to do what we have seldom done with respect to Iran — and that is to pause and listen to the will of seasoned civic leaders working tirelessly within the current political system to develop change. Ebadi is a human rights leader and an established and respected name among Iranians as well as the international community. She understands what is needed and I trust that she knows better than certain Iranian exiles, who have not been to Iran in decades.

Iran is one of the founding members of the U.N. and wants to avoid further international fallout. By backing Ebadi’s call for an envoy and not pushing for more coercion, the Iranian government would be placed on the defensive and our message to the Iranian people would be clear — we want to help but we first accept that Iranians should be the masters of their own destiny; democracy in Iran should come from within; it is not and should not be the American government’s struggle. The American people stand in solidarity with your cause, and we accept that it is not our place to dictate the terms of democratic change.

Such gestures may also help reverse years of Iranian disdain and mistrust of America and its intentions in Iran. The Iranian people must believe that coerciveness is not the goal in Washington, and that people working intelligently within the establishment can be more nuanced in their approach to Iran. As an American of Iranian descent, I believe Iranians deserve to see that the American policy world can get it right and that America’s values, goals, and aspirations for peace and progress do not depend on Iran’s surrender.

As has been demonstrated in protests in Washington D.C. and elsewhere in the country, there are a growing number of Americans who genuinely care about the nonviolent struggle for change in Iran, and showing concern and unity of purpose is good. Still, the best bet for our government is to heed the advice of Iran’s civil society until we can redefine the wounded U.S.-Iran relationship through sorely needed trust-building. The belief that America can listen to Iranians within Iran, rather than add to a laundry list of demands and punitive actions, can help rescue this relationship.

Americans can further do their part by asking Congress not to continue the policies of overreaction and intimidation during this delicate time. Asking Congress to reconsider new sanctions legislation and ignore those who would see Iran’s present condition as a weakness to be exploited for self-interest is particularly essential.

Iranian protestors have gained fierce admiration for their courage. Shirin Ebadi and other activist leaders within Iran have been preparing their people for this moment for years. They deserve our attention now more than ever.

Shervin Boloorian is an Iranian American based in Washington DC. Mr. Boloorian just completed a two-year appointment as Washington representative of the Global Security Program at the Union of Concerned Scientists.  Prior to that position, he worked as a legislative coordinator for the National Iranian American Council.

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If you want to support just US foreign policy towards Iran, let the White House know by signing this petition.

Statement and Call to Action

July 9, 2009

Dear Friend of United for Peace and Justice,

Over three weeks ago, Iranians held a presidential election. What followed remains unclear, but one thing is for certain: the Iranian government engaged in the suppression of the rights of Iranians to protest their government.

While UFPJ strongly supports the principle of non-interference in the affairs of others, we also feel compelled – as a coalition which has protested the policies of our government for more than six years now – to stand in solidarity with the people of Iran and their struggle for the elementary right to protest their government and its actions without the threat of death, arrest, or censorship. What has happened in Iran is more than unfortunate; we hope that the people of Iran, regardless of their politics, can remain resilient in their demand for such a basic right.

At the same time, for us here in the U.S., what is even more important is the actions of our own government during this crisis, especially in light of the unfortunate historical role we have played and continue to play in this region. In this regard, signs are mixed.

UFPJ has been encouraged that the Obama administration continues to stick to its campaign promise of direct talks with Iran. At a time of increasing regional instability, the world cannot afford heightened hostilities between the U.S. and Iran.

However, UFPJ is deeply concerned over potential developments in the White House’s policy towards Iran. While official statements have made clear that direct talks remain the key goal, we have heard high administration officials deviate from that official stance time and again. A disturbing example of this discrepancy was Vice President Biden’s comment this weekend in which he indicated that the U.S. would not intervene if Israel decided to militarily attack Iran. These comments are counter-productive, harming not just the potential for constructive talks between the two countries, but also giving an excuse to Iran’s leaders for further reactionary action, such as the suppression of Iranian protestors.

What we need is a White House that is clear in both its promise to engage in direct talks with Iran in the near-future and its principle of non-interference in Iran’s internal affairs. To do this, UFPJ urges you to take the following action:

1] Call the White House at 202-456-1111 and let it know that you want Obama to stick to his promise of direct talks with Iran.

2] Sign-on to Just Foreign Policy’s petition to President Obama, which urges him to keep to the principle of non-interference in Iran’s internal affairs.

And to show solidarity with the people of Iran and their elementary right to protest their government’s actions, we urge you to join up with the United For Iran, Global Day of Action, for a rally in your city on July 25. This Global Day of Action is endorsed by such groups as Amnesty International and Physicians for Human Rights and is a non-partisan event.

Last updated by the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran on 1 July 2009.

Here is the list of those killed and detained in Iran, updated as information becomes available. The list is by no means comprehensive and does not include people arrested at protests on the streets.

Government officials have announced a total of 627 arrests in Tehran since 13 June 2009, 170 people detained prior to 15 June, 457 detained persons on 20 June, and 27 dead. Other sources claim these numbers are much higher. The Campaign believes, based on reports received from within Iran, as many as 2,000 people could be under arrest throughout the country. The following is a list of prominent political personalities, journalists, and students that the Campaign has received.

Click here for alphabetized list

Killed by Government Forces:

The government has admitted to at least 27 fatalities in Tehran but the true numbers are most probably much higher. The Campaign has been able to identify only the names of a few persons killed in Tehran during recent protests because of the extreme restrictions imposed by the government. There are also reports of fatalities in other cities but the Campaign has not been able to collect any reliable information.

1)  Neda Aghasoltan, student, was murdered at the demonstration in Tehran on 20 June 2009

2)  Naser Amirnejad, Aerospace PhD student, was murdered during the attack on the Tehran University dormitories on the night of Wednesday, 14 June 2009. His body was buried in his home town, one of the villages in the city of Yasouj on 19 June 2009.

3)  Mostafa Ghanian, graduate student at Tehran University, was murdered during the attack on the  Tehran University Dormitories on the night of Monday , 14 June 2009. His body was buried in his home town in Mashad on 21 June 2009.

4)  Mehdi Karami, killed in Jonat Abad Street, Tehran, 15 June  2009

5)  Kianoosh Assa, chemistry student at Elm va Sanaat University, killed in Tehran

6)  Farzad Hashti, killed in Tehran

7)  Shalar Khazri, killed in Tehran

8 ) Yaghoub Barvayeh, master’s degree student in Theatre at Tehran University, shot in the head in Tehran near Lolagar mosque, died in Loghman-e-Hakim Hospital on 25 June

9)  Kaveh Alipour, killed in Tehran

10) Hossein Tahmassebi, 25, was beaten to death with batons to his chest at Nobahar street in Kermanshah on 20 June

11) Ashkon Sahrabi, 18, was shot and killed by security and Basij forces on 20 June

– Eight people were killed during the attack to the peaceful demonstration in Tehran on 15 June 2009, according to the government report

– At least nineteen people were killed during the attack on the peaceful  demonstration in Tehran on 20 June 2009, according to the government’s report

There are also several hundred injuries about which there is no available information. Some of the injuries could be life threatening. The Campaign has been informed that Ashkan Zahabian, a member of the Modern Faction of the Islamic Students Association of Ferdowsi University has been severely injured after attacks by members of Basiji Militia and is currently in a coma.

——————–

Arrested and in Detention:

Click here to view alphabetized list

I. Political personalities and members of the reformist presidential candidates’ campaigns:

1) Dr. Qorban Behzadinejad, director of Mir-Houssein Moussavi’s campaign, arrested on 24 June

2) Mostafa Tajzadeh, a member of the Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolutionary Political Organization and  deputy of the Interior Ministry during Khatami’s presidency, was arrested on 13 June

3) Behzad Nabavi, a founding member of the Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolutionary Political Organization and former minister and parliamentarian, was arrested on 13 June and released the day after.  He was arrested on 16 June for the second time

4) Mohsen Mirdamadi, General Secretary of  the Iranian Participation Front and former parliamentarian, was first arrested on 13 June and released the day after, but was  disappeared on 17 June

5)  Saeed Hajarian,  a senior adviser to reformists,  a journalist, member of the Central Council of the Iran Front Participation, member of the first City Council in Tehran,   the victim of an assassination attempt in 2000, was arrested on 15 June, is paralyzed and suffers serious brain and spinal cord injuries

6)  Abdollah Ramezanzadeh, Vice president of the Iran Front Participation, coordinator of  the reformist campaign in Kurdistan and former government spokes person during Khatami’s presidency, was arrested on 16 June

7)  Ali Abtahi, a senior adviser to Karroubi’s Campaign, former Deputy of  Parliament Office of President Khatami, and a vice president under Khatami, was arrested on 16 June

8)  Abdolfatah Soltani, a human rights lawyer and one of the founding members of the Human Rights Defenders Center as well as a member of Executive Board of the Bar Association, was arrested on 16 June

9)  Javad Emam, a member of Tehran branch of the Islamic Revolutionary Political Organization

9)  Hojat Esmaieli, a member of the Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolutionary Political Organization

11) Mohsen Safaiee Farahani, member of the Iran Front Participation and the head  of its Implementation Board,  and former president of the Football Federation,

12) Ali Tajernia, a member of the Central Committee of the Iran Participation Front and former parliamentarian

13) Baghier Oskouiee, leading official in Karroubi’s campaign, was arrested on 16 June

14) Saeed Laylaz, prominent economist and Journalist, was arrested on June 17

15) Kuroush Zaieem, a member of the Central Council of the Iran National Front, was arrested on 21 June

16) Davoud Solaymani, a member of the Central Committee of the Iran Participation Front  and former parliamentarian

17) Mohammad Tavasoli,  director of the political office of the Freedom Movement in Iran and first  Mayor of Tehran after the  1979 Revolution, was arrested on 16 June

18) Hossein Zaman, a  well-known pop singer whose works have been banned from State controlled Radio and Television because of his support for the reformist movement

19) Mohsen Aminzadeh, a founding member of the Iran Participation Front and former Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs in Khatami’s  cabinet, on June 16

20) Saeed Shirkvand, member of Central Council of Iran Participation Front and former Deputy of Treasury in Khatami’s cabinet

21) Ahmad Zaydabadi, general secretary of the Advar organization and journalist, was arrested on June 13

22) Abdolah Momeni, member of the central council of the Advar organization and  its spokesperson, was arrested on 21 June

23) Hamed Iranshahi, member of the Central Council of Advar organization, was arrested on June 16

24) Musa Saket,  a member of the Advar Tahkim Vahdat and in charge of the campaign seeking  supporters of Karroubi, was arrested on 18 June

25) Mohammad Atrianfar, a leading member of the Kargozaran Sazandegi Party and journalist, was arrested on 16 June

26) Jahanbakhsh Khanjani, a member of the Kargozaran Sazandegi Party and former spokesperson for the Internal  Affairs Ministry in Khatami’s presidency

27) Ebrahim Khoshchehreh, a political activist in Lahijan and member of National Religious Activits, was arrested on 21 June

28) Khoshchehreh, son of Ebrahim Khoshchehreh, was arrested in Lahijan on 21 June

29) Mohsen Bastani, member of the Islamic Revolutionary Political Organization in Isfahan

30) Mehrdad Balafkan, member of the Islamic Revolutionary Political Organization in Isfahan

31) Ahmad Afjeiee, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran

32) Emad Bahavand, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran

33) Mojtaba Khandan, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran

34) Saeed Zeraatkar, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran

35) Rouholah Sahraee, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran

36) Ali Mehrdad, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran

37) Mohammad Reza Ahmadinia, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran

38) Reza Arjaini, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran in Zanjan

39) Jalal Bahrami, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran in Zanjan

40) Sadegh Rasouli, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran in Zanjan

41) Ahad Rezaiee, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran in Zanjan

42) Bagher Fathali Baygi, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran in Zanjan

43) Mansour Vafa, member of the Freedom Movement of Iran in Zanjan

44) Ali Pourkhayri, member of the Iran Participation Front

45) Shahin Nourbakhsh, member of the Iran Participation Front

46) Ali Taghipour, member of the Iran Participation Front

47) Mohammad Shokuhi, member of the Iran Participation Front

48) Ashkan Mojaleli, member of the Iran Participation Front

49) Maysam Varahchehre, member of the Iran  Participation Front

50) Mahdian Minavi, member of the  Iran Participation Front

51) Farhad Nasrollahpour, member of the  Iran Participation Front

52) Amir Ariazand, member of the Iran Participation Front

53) Adel Dehdashti, member of the Iran Participation Front

54) Mahmoud Ebrahimi, member of the Iran Participation Front

55) Bahram Kardan, member of the Iran Participation Front

56) Shahabobdin Tabatabaiee, the head of the Youth Supporters of  the Moussavi  Campaign

57) Mohammadreza Jalaieepour, a student in Oxford University and website manager of the youth branch of the Iran Participation Front, arrested on June 17 in Tehran Airport

58) Saeed Nourmohammadi, member of the Iran Participation Front

59) Ali Mohaghar, a member of the Kargozaran Sazandegi party

60) Hedayatollah Aghaiee, a member of the Kargozaran Sazandegi party

61) Ali Waghfi, member of Moussavi’s Campaign in Tehran

62) Hamzeh Ghalebi, member of Moussavi’s Campaign in Tehran

63) Saeed (Hassan) Nikkhah, member of Moussavi’s Campaign in Tehran

64) Hesam Nasiri, member of Moussavi’s Campaign in Tehran

65) Ehsan Bagheri, member of Moussavi’s Campaign in Tehran

66) Homaiee, member of Moussavi’s Campaign in Tehran

67) Fatahi, member of Moussavi’s Campaign in Tehran

68) Zakeri, member of Moussavi’s Campaign in Tehran

69) Rouholah Shahsavar, member of Moussavi  Campaign in Khorasan

70) Mohsen Rouzbehan, member of Moussavi Campaign  in Khorasan

71) Kaveh Servati, member of Moussavi Campaign, was arrested on 20 June

72) Maryam Ameri, member of Karroubi’s Campaign

73) Naseh Faridi, member of Karroubi’s Campaign

74) Morteza Khani, member of Karroubi’s Campaign

75) Bagher Oskouiee, member of Karroubi’s Campaign

76) Siamand Ghiyasi, member of Karroubi’s Campaign in Kermanshah

77) Mohammad Jafari, member of Karroubi’s Campaign in Kermanshah

78) Dr. Jalil Sharabianlu, a prominent MD and surgeon in Tabriz

79) Dr Ghafar Farzadi, in Tabriz

80) Majid Jabari, in Tabriz

81) Rahim Yawari, In Tabriz

82) Abbas Pourazhari, in Tabriz

83) Dr. Laya Farzadi, in Tabriz

84) Shabeti, in Tabriz

85) Shamlu, in Tabriz

86) Dr. Ghafarzadeh, in Tabriz

87) Dr. Soltaniazad, in Tabriz

88) Dr. Panahi, in Tabriz

89) Dr. Seyflou, in Tabriz

90) Dr. Dadizadeh, in Tabriz

91) Mehdi Yarbahrami, in Tabriz

92) Mansour Ghafari, in Tabriz

93) Hojatollah Amiri, in Tabriz

94) Amir Hossein Jahani, in Tabriz

95) Rhdah Rahimipour, in Tabriz

96) Mehdi Khodadadi, in Tabriz

97) Payam Haydar Ghazvini, student in Gazvin

98) Nasim Riahi, student in Gazvin

99)  Mojtaba Rajabi, student in Gazvin

100)  Atar Rashidi, student in Gazvin

101) Hanieh Yousefian

102) Mohammad Mostafaiee, a lawyer who defended many youth offenders who was arrested on the street in Tehran on 25 June, there is no news of his whereabouts

——————–

II) Journalists:

Some of the journalists who were also political personalities are listed above under the political personalities. The list of detained journalists has also been independently verified by Reporters without Borders.

1)  Mohammad Ghouchani, journalist and editor in charge of daily Etemad e Meli, was arrested on 18 June

2)  Rajabali Mazrouiee, head of the Journalists Association, was arrested on 20 June

3)  Karim Arghandehpour,  a blogger (http://www.futurama.ir/) and reporter for pro-reform newspapers Salam, Vaghieh and Afaghieh, was arrested on 14 June

4)  Maziyar Bahari, an Iranian-Canadian dual national, journalist and the representative of Newsweek in Iran, was arrested on 22 June

5)  Kayvan Samimi Behbahani, editor in chief of the closed monthly Nameh and human rights activist, was arrested on 14 June

6)  Zhila Baniyaghoub, journalist and editor in charge of the Iranian Women’s Center website, was arrested on 20 June

7)  Bahman Ahmadi Amoui, journalist, was arrested on 21 June

8)  Mojtaba Pourmohsen, journalist and  Radio Zamaneh’s representative in Rasht, was arrested on 15 June

9)  Mahsa Amraiee, journalist , was arrested on 14 June

10) Behzad Bashou, cartoonist, was arrested on 14 June

11) Sayed Khalil Mirashrafi, TV producer was arrested on 14 June

12) Abdolreza Tajik, journalist was arrested on 14 June

13) Rohollah Shahsavar, journalist was arrested in Mashhad, was arrested on 17 June

14) Mashallah Haydarzadeh, journalist in Boushehr,  was arrested on 14 June

15) Iason Athanasiadis, national Greek/British journalist, freelancing for the Washington Times, detained on 17 June

16) Amanolah Shojaiee, journalist in Bushehr, was arrested on 14 June

17) Somayeh Touhidlou, sociologist and blogger in the Road of Health

18) Shiva Nazarahari, journalist and member of the Reporters of Human Rights Committee, arrested on 13 June

19) Hassan Maadikhah, director of the Zareh Publication and son of Abdolmajid Maadikhah the former Cultural and Guardiance Minister

20) Mostafa Ghavanloo Ghajar, was arrested on 22 June

21) Fariborz Soroush, arrested in Karaj

——————–

III) University professors:

Click here to view alphabetized list

1) Dr. Ardeshir Amirarjomand, chair of UNESCO’s Democracy and Human Rights Program at Shahid Beheshti University

2) Hossein Reisian, university professor at International Emamkhomaini University in Ghazvin, was arrested on June 21

3)  Fazli, university professor at International Emamkhomaini University in Ghazvin

4)  Imani, university professor at International Emamkhomaini University in Ghazvin

5)  Alborzi, university professor at International Emamkhomaini University in Ghazvin

6)  Darvish, university professor at International Emamkhomaini University in Ghazvin

7) Izadi, professor of Bualisina University in hamedan, was arrested on June 16

8.) Majzoubi, professor at Bualisina University in Hamedan, was arrested June 13

——————–

IV) University students:

Click here to view alphabetized list

[The names of students who were arrested during the attack on the Tehran University Dormitories are based on information released by the Reports of Human Rights Committee]

1)  Marjan Fayazi, student at Mazandaran University, was arrested on June 22

2)  Sogan Alikhah, student at Mazandaran university, was arrested on June 22

3)  Alireza Kiani, student at Mazandaran university

4)  Milad Hosseini Koshtan, student at Mazandaran university

5)  Ali Nazari, student at Mazandaran university

6)  Siavoush Safavi, student at Mazandaran university

7)  Ashkan Zahabian, student at Mazandaran university

8)  Ali Dinavari, student at Mazandaran university

9)  Rahman Yaghoubi, student at Mazandaran university

10)  Maziar Yazdani, student at Mazandaran university

11)  Ali Abbasi, student at Mazandaran university

12)  Shouaneh Merikhi, student at Mazandaran university

13)  Majid Dari, an expelled student at Alameh Tabatabaiee University in Tehran, was violently arrested on 21 June in his home

14)  Esmaiel Jalilvand, a student activist in Shiraz University, was arrested on 21 June

15)  Hamdollah Namjou, a student activist in Shiraz University, was arrested on 21 June

16)  Mohsen Barzegar, student at Babol Engineering Univeristy, was arrested on June 18

17)  Iman Sedighi, student at Babol Engineering Univeristy, was arrested on June 18

18)  Hesam oldin Bagheri, student at Babol Engineering Univeristy, was arrested on June 18

19)  Siavash Saliminejad, student at Babol Engineering Univeristy, was arrested on June 20

20)  Alireza Khoshbakht, an expelled graduate student, was arrested on June 17

21)  Zahra Tohidi, an expelled graduate student, was arrested on June 17

22)  Ziaoldin Nabavi, secretary of the Education Rights Council, was arrested on 16 June

23)  Sohrab Ahadian, student at Tehran University, was arrested on 17 June when the Tehran University dormitories were violently attacked

24)  Reza Arkouzi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

25)  Karim Emami, student, was arrested during the attack on the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

26)  Mohammad Hossein Emami, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

27)  Elaheh Imanian, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

28)  Rouholah Bagheri, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on June 14

29)  Farhad Binazadeh, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

30)  Iman Pourtahmasb, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

31)  Ezat Torbati, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

32)  Milad Chegini, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

33)  Mohammadreza Hohabadi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

34)  Seyed Javad hosseini, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

35)  Farshid Heydari Zamin, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

36)  Behnam Khodabandeh lou, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

37)  Mohammad Khansari, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

38)  Mohammad Davoudian, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

39)  Mahmoud Delbari, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

40)  Ali Raiee, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

41)  Omid Rezaiee, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

42)  Ali Refahi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

43)  Seifolah Rmezani, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

44)  Ebrahim Raidian, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

45)  Naser Zamani, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

46)  Majid Selahvand, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

47)  Hanif Salimi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

48)  Mohammad Bagher Shabanpour, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

49)  Hamed Shaykh alishahi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

50)  Iman Shaydaieezaban, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

51)  Farhad Shirahmad, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

52)  Saman Sahebjalali, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

53)  Farhan Sadeghpour, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

54)  Farshad Taheri, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

55)  Ghamdideh Olum, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

56)  Esmaieel Ghorbani, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

57)  Mohammad Karimi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

58)  Erfan Mohammadi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University dormitories at midnight on 14 June

59)  Naseh Faridi, student at Teacher Training University, was arrested on June 17

60)  Amin Nazari, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

61)  Siavash Hatam, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

62)  Pouria Sharifian, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

63)  Mehdi Mosafer, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

64)  Reza Jafarian, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

65)  Hojat Bakhtiari, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

66)  Mostafa Mehdizadeh, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

67)  Omid Sohravi, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

68)  Vahid Amirian, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

69)  Fazolah Joukar, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

70)  Mehdi Torkaman, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

71)  Nastaran Khodarahimi, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

72)  Ali Ahmadi, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

73)  Mosaab Ebrahimi, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

74)  Saeed Parvizi, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

75)  Bahareh Hosseini, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

76)  Hadis Zamani, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

77)  Nahid Siahvand, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

78)  Imani, student at Bualisina University in Hamedan

79)  Ali Shojai, student at Hormozgan University, director of Mehdi Karoubi’s student campaign in Hormozgan, detained on 18 June

80) Amir Kolhar, student at Azad University in Karaj, detained on 21 June

81) Ehsan Ehsani, student in Mazindaran, detained on 24 June

82) Hamidreza Jahantigh, student at Noushirvan University in Babol, arrested on 24 June

83) Hesam Nasiri, student at Azad University in Tehran

84) Mohammad Sayadi, student at Buali University in Hamadan, arrested on 25 June plainclothes agents on the street

85) Pedram Rafati, Amir Kabir University student who was arrested on 15 June by plain clothes security officers near his dormitory

86) Payman Aref

——————–

Arrested and Released:

Click here to view alphabetized list

1)  Mohammad Reza Khatami, member of the Central Committee of Iran Participation Front, brother of former president Khatami, was arrested on 13 June and released on  14 June

2)  Zahra Mojaradi, a member of the Iran Participation Front, was arrested on 13 June and released on 14 June

3)  Saeed Shariati, a member of the Iranian Participation Front, was arrested on 13 June and released on 14 June

4)  Taghi Rahmani, political figure and journalist, was arrested on 14 June and released the day after

5)  Reza Alijani, political figure, was arrested on 14 June and released the day after

6)  Hoda Saberi, journalist, was arrested on 14 June and released the day after

7)  Faezeh Hashemi Rafsanjani, and her daughter and two other members of Rafsanjani’s Family were arrested on 20 June and released after 30 hours

8)  Ebrahim Yazdi, General Secretary of the Iran Liberation Movement, was arrested on 14 June from the Pars Hospital in Tehran and was taken back to the hospital on June 15 for further surgery

9)  Ahmad Ahmadian, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

10)  Eskandari, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

11)  Amin Afzali, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories midnight on 14 June and released later

12)  Vahid Anari, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

13)  Mohammad Bolourdi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

14)  Hossein Hamedi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

15)  Mohsen Habibi, Mazaheri, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

16)  Navid Haghdadi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran university Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

17)  Mohammad Reza Hokmi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

18)  Kazem Rahimi Olume, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

19)  Morteza Rezakhani, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at  midnight on 14 June and released later

20)  Maysam Zareiee, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

21)  Amin Samiee, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

22)  Bahram Shaabani, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories at midnight on 14 June and released later

23)  Alireza Shaykhi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

24)  Ebrahim Azizi, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

25)  Siavash Fiaz, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

26)  Sayed Hossein Mirzadeh, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran University Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

27)  Hossein Noubakht, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran university Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

28)  Javad Yazdanfar, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran university Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

29)  Habib Khadangi, student, student, was arrested during the attack to the Tehran university Dormitories mid night on 14 June and released later

30) Hamideh Mahouri, journalist in Bushehr, was arrested on 14 June and released on 19 June

31) Hossein Shokouhi,a journalist in Bushehr, was arrested on 14 June and released on 19 June

On Thursday September 25th, over 250 US and international religious, political and cultural leaders gathered at a hotel in NYC to meet with the President of Iran in order to press the government of the United States and the government of Iran to engage in serious dialogue as well as to affirm the concept of interfaith dialogue. Given the climate of incendiary rhetoric, members of traditional peace churches that sponsored this event, including American Friends Service Committee, The Mennonite Central Committee, Religions of Peace and the World Council of Churches consider it their responsibility to step in and begin to cultivate the possibility for dialogue and engagement in behalf of peace when governments fail to do so. The previous evening, The Fellowship of Reconciliation hosted a meeting with over sixty peace activists with the president of Iran with the same intention. These groups are not alone in calling for diplomacy and dialogue. Five former secretaries of state urged similar action.

Meetings organized by peace and non-violence organizations and individuals with Ahmadinejad do not mean those attending agree or support specific Iranian governmental policies that are in conflict with the values of the peace community or the accompanying rhetoric about Israel, Jews or the United States. Rather, the intention is to promote the concept of dialogue and engagement precisely because of the vast gulf between governmental positions of the United States and Iran and to better understand the underlying issues of the conflict from the Iranian perspective. Ahmadinejad is a political figure who represents his country but is not identical with the whole of his country. In his role as president Ahmadinejad does not have the authority to initiate war, attack another country, promote or limit nuclear weapons or legislate Islamic law. A populist politician, his domestic policies have been failures, especially in the economic sphere. Moreover, he has not been an active proponent of human rights. On the other hand,  many US media and non-governmental organizations criticizing Ahmadinejad’s provocative rhetoric fail to educate the American public by providing in depth analysis of the underlying historic and geo-political issues that are provoking the wider conflict between Iran, the United States and Israel.

At the Thursday dinner, most speakers who addressed and questioned the President took the opportunity to challenge him on several issues. They berated Ahmadinejad for his failure to state unequivocally that he mourns the death of six million Jews during the Holocaust, asserted their opposition to all nuclear weapons, bemoaned the Iranian record on human rights and in particular the execution of juveniles, the lack of religious freedom of expression, the persecution of the Bahai community and Iran’s denial that Israel has a right to exist as a nation state.  Iran’s continual refusal to mention the name of the state of Israel and the constant reference to Israel as the illegal Zionist entity reflects the Islamic Republic’s position that Israel was created by European powers after the war to assuage their guilt about the Holocaust and that the Palestinians are paying for this with a brutal occupation. However, the language and tone of remarks about Israel are coated with anti-semetic rhetoric. Ironically, Ahmadinejad was reprimanded by the supreme leader for the statements of the Iranian vice-president mentioning the word Israeli earlier in the week. His Vice-President Esfandiar Rahim-Mashaei  stated that, “Iran wants no war with any country, and today Iran is friend of the United States and even Israel. … Our achievements belong to the whole world and should be used for expanding love and peace.’ Rahim-Mashaei is also head of the Cultural Heritage Organization which is home to the Department of Inter-religious Dialogue which will be hosting the Fellowship of Reconciliation’s Interfaith Delegation to Iran in November. It is clear that there are other forces within the Iranian government, reformists forces, which are interested in a more expansive and reconciliatory approach to Israel and the Jewish community as well as the United States. While in Iran last November, many people related their extreme discomfort with Ahmadinejad’s notorious conference which attracted scores of Holocaust deniers from around the world.

Ahmadinejad may be gone from power by June due to their elections. Whether he is or is not, those in the inter-faith peace community are looking to open channels with Iranians in the Department of Inter-religious Dialogue. For those of us in the Jewish community, it is important for us to note that, unlike most other Middle Eastern countries, Iran still possesses a small but significant Jewish community. Somewhere between 12,000 and 25,000 Jews reside mostly in Teheran, Shiraz and Esfahan. As the oldest extant Jewish community in the Middle East outside of Israel, how do we protect them, reach out to them and nurture their Jewish life in Iran? The possibility of real engagement is difficult in an atmosphere of aggressive rhetoric which does nothing to create a climate of rapprochement.

While those of us who practice non-violence do not endorse the Iranian government’s anti-Israel rhetoric, it is important to be well-informed about Iran’s positions on key issues of concern. I have provided links to Daily Iran Clips for anyone who wants to research the underlying issues relating to Iran’s nuclear ambitions, Iranian and Israeli relations, Iranian and US relations and other relevant topics. When a peace process commences, it is important to have already initiated contact at the grass roots level so there are people with experience who can help others negotiate the new relationship. As members of Shomer Shalom prepare for our delegation to Iran in November, we will be making every effort to be informed about and reach out to the Jewish community of Iran, to learn more about Islam, and to apply the principles of engaged non-violence to this difficult and challenging conflict. In addition, we are open to the many people of good faith living in Iran who sincerely desire to bolster a positive interfaith atmosphere

in their own country.

We know from our own experience this takes long term commitment and readiness to work through the challenges and joys of true dialogue.  The following is the speech I gave at the Hyatt Hotel on Thursday September 25th at the Interfaith Iftar dinner, along with seven other speakers. I spoke for nine minutes. Some have asked me why I mentioned Roma, Armenians, and those murdered due to sexual orientation and special needs along with Jewish people. They, too, were targeted for genocide due to the specifics of their identity.

At the end of the dinner, an Armenian bishop came up to me with tears in his eyes. “Thank you for remembering us, it was very healing.” For me, it is the struggle both to prevent violence as well as to engage in healing humanity’s deep wounds that form the content of the life of my particular practice of Shomer Shalom.

ON RECONCILIATION

I learned this teaching from my Muslim friend and peacewalk partner Abdul Rauf Campos Marquetti.  Abu Hurayrah quoted the Prophet, peace be upon him, “You will not enter paradise until you believe, and you will not believe until you love one another. Then he added: Shall I tell you something which will help you to love one another? The Companions replied: Yes, O messenger of Allah. He said, Get into the way of greeting each other. This practice is also found within Jewish tradition, so I will begin this evening’s talk on Religion as a Pathway to Peace with a greeting of peace.

Salaam/shalom aleichem/asalaam u-aleikum rahmat allahe oo barakat hu

Religious life for many of us leads us upon unexpected journeys. I have had the opportunity to visit Iran this past May as part of the 7th delegation of the Fellowship of Reconciliation to Iran hosted by the Iranian Department of Inter-religious Affairs.  Kesh-varetoon khili qash-an-geh. Our delegation was especially moved by our experience at the masjid of Jamkaran just outside of Qom at the well of wishes where the Mahdi is said to have appeared 100 years ago to give hope and comfort to all those who long for peace. In the spirit of peace I am honored to speak about religion’s role in peacemaking.

When engaged in dialogue or conversation, it is a Jewish custom to begin with a verse of Torah. I have chosen the section of Torah I wish to chant based on the this evening’s theme: How religion can contribute to solution of the world’s problems. I will recite, translate and then interpret Parashat Kedoshim, the chapter called  ‘holiness’ found in the third book of Torah known as Vayikra in Hebrew and as Leviticus by English speakers which addresses the question of how religion can guide us in solving the world’s problems. Torah councils us that no matter what problems face us, we are to engage in solutions through dialogue, reconciliation and peace building measures, as it is written, the entire Torah is for the sake of peace. Dialogue, reconciliation and peacebuilding are central values in Jewish tradition. Dialogue brings many perspectives together, gives special attention to minority opinions and must be conducted by treating everyone with respect. Reconciliation involves a process of acknowledgment of past wrongs, restorative healing work and forgiveness. Peace building includes taking all the necessary steps to create peace without engaging in harmful acts. The following instructions and many other instructions found in Jewish rabbinic tradition also implicitly recommend non-violence as the preferred method for engaging in the struggle for reconciliation and peace.

Now I will chant the blessing and the passage from Vayikra, Chapter 19 verses 16 to 18:

Do not be a talebearer or spread hate among the people.

Do not stand idly by the blood of your neighbor.

Do not hate your brother or sister in your heart

Rather speak directly to your brother and sister about your concerns

Do not take vengence. Do not bear a grudge against the children of your people.

Love your neighbor as yourself, I am YHVH

I will interpret these words according to the tradition of interpretation by which I was ordained as a rabbi. I stand before you today as a rabbi rooted in the lineage of those in the Jewish community who follow the path of engaged non-violence which is called shomer shalom. As a shomeret shalom I renew a vow of engaged non-violence every year at Yom Kippur.  My teachers, those whose memories are a blessing, and those who still walk upon this earth, have taught me the way of non-violence as I seek peace and pursue peace (Psalm 34:15). I stand in the tradition that teaches: “Individuals and entire peoples must order their lives according to what is taught: A human being should concern herself more than she not injure others than she not be injured.* For when a human being tries to KEEP WATCH/Shomer that she not injure others, by that very act she enthrones in the world, the God of truth and righteousness and adds power to the realm of justice. (*Tosafot of B. Kama 23b) Like Rebbe Nachman of Bratislav and other teachers from the lineage of non-violence in Judaism, I view war as a form of idolatry and acts of militarism as a desecration of God’s name. This informs all my actions in behalf of peace building.

I also want to honor the tradition of non-violence of the peace churches  here today who also believe in the importance of seeking and pursing peace through religious dialogue and public witness and who reject militarism, military violence, capital punishment and war as a viable and legitimate mode of solving conflict or obtaining justice. In another part of the Torah, the book of Psalms we learn:

Seek peace and pursue peace, the sages ask, why does the verse repeat itself. Would it not have been enough to state the command once?  Why does the Torah say both seek and pursue.  We have received this oral tradition:(Vayikra Rabbah 9.9)

“Seek peace for your loved ones and pursue peace with your opponents and enemies;

Seek peace where you live and pursue peace elsewhere;

Seek peace with your body and pursue peace with your resources;

Seek peace for yourself and pursue peace for others

Seek peace today and pursue peace every tomorrow.

Peace is not envisioned as a quietist or passive stance. Rather shalom, the condition of harmony and well-being for the whole of society and the human heart of the believer is a condition that must be actively sought and publicly acknowledged for the sake of preventing violence and building peace.

That is why I stand here today, even when many of my co-religionists are dismissing, demeaning or boycotting this important conversation. I want to make clear that there are many thousands of Jewish people within my community whose voices are not heard, but nonetheless support dialogue as both a religious obligation as well as a way to give witness to hope.

I am of the lineage of those who believe the struggle for peace through non-violence is the greatest spiritual jihad. The spiritual meaning of the word Yisrael has the same meaning as jihad: that is, the struggle to walk a divinely commanded path, to follow the requirements given to us at Sinai to live a life of righteousness.

I would like to interpret Vayikra. The first verse of the passage states:   Do not become a talebearer or spread hate among people. Hate speech is to be avoided because it often leads to acts of violence. As you are well aware, I come from a community that has experienced the genocidal results of hate speech leading to hate action. I know the country of Iran recognizes the Holocaust as I understand that there was a widely viewed television series dedicated to the memory of the victims of the Holocaust this past year in Iran which was watch by millions of people. I would like to remember for a blessing all those who have died in our world, on account of war.

I mourn the death of all young men and women sent to soldiering in conflicts not of their making.

I mourn one half a million Iranians who died in the Iran Iraq war,

I mourn the millions of Iraqis have been killed, injured and displaced by a war the United States initiated in Iraq.

I also mourn the forty million people who died in the second world war, including

two million armenians, one million roma, tens of thousands  who died on account of sexual orientation as well as those who were targeted for murder based on special needs. And of course, I mourn my own extended family, six million Jewish people who were murdered because European historical anti-semetism made it acceptable to see us as less than human. Because of the Holocaust, I learned from the rabbis who ordained me and guide me, to be active in preventing further suffering of all human beings as a primary religious call to action. That is why I, like thousands of Jewish Americans, Israelis and Europeans have joined with other peace activists across the globe to work tirelessly for Palestinian human rights, as well as Israeli-Palestinian reconciliation through the path of non-violence.

For, as the next verse of Leviticus instructs us: Do not stand idly by the shedding of blood of your neighbor. We are commanded not to be silent or passive in the face of prejudice, militarism, violence or structural injustice which privileges some while exploiting others. In fact, challenging systems of injustice is essential to peacemaking.

The text continues: Do not harbor hatred of your brother or sister in your heart. This mitzvah relates to the inner dimension of peacemaking. Even in the face of violence and the struggle for human rights we are told to remember that we are all one human family. As the Persian poet Saadi states, we are all cut from the same jewel. If part of the jewel is harmed is not the whole jewel harmed? Hatred is a form of alienation and is linked to fear and violence. Therefore peacemaking begins by trying to erase hatred of others from one’s heart, to see the other as a full human being, to know that the flaws we find in others are also flaws within ourselves. We are to judge everyone from z’khaf zechut, a place of merit, and thus begin to build an atmosphere of trust out of which peace can grow even as we make every effort to redress wrongs.  Rather than respond to violence with violence we are told: speak directly to your brother or sister about your concerns. The Torah urges direct negotiations, acts of face to face reconciliation as the way to peace. I pray for this insight as it relates to the government of the United States and the government of Iran.  As the next verses categorically states, as a matter of religious obligation, we are not to take vengeance, nor bear a grudge. This is a weighty obligation and the heart of the instruction to act non-violently, even in the face of violence. This instruction is explicated further as the central tenet of all our traditions: Love your neighbor as you love yourself.  I am YHV. Love is not a sentiment, but a condition in which we face obstacles to peace with the view that the man or woman who stands before us is indeed our brother or our sister. We are commanded to choose love and not fear, love and not violence, love

and not war.

The Baal Shem Tov used to say, if he didn’t get his point across with instruction and interpretation, he would tell a story. Morning Prayer. Inshallah

They want to destroy hope, therefore I shall preserve it by any possible means.

They want to kill trust. Thus I will reach out to others, Africans, Asians, Arabs, Americans and Jews alike.

They want to imprison people in labels and stereotypes. I will strive to maintain a dialogue, always focusing on the individuals rather than the symbol.

They want to kill joy in me, thus I will laugh again.

They want to paralyze me, therefore I will take action. They want to silence me–therefore I will speak out.

From a speech given by Mariane Pearl in Sydney, Australia in March 2004.

At least 400 dissidents, activists and intellectuals--a number far larger than previously reported–were murdered in Iran during a wave of officially sanctioned, government death-squad activity that ended in 1999, according to Shirin Ebadi, Nobel Prize-winning human rights lawyer who is currently on a speaking tour in the United States. But Ebadi insists that US threats against Iran and rhetoric about regime change could make things worse, giving Iran’s leaders an excuse to intensify repression.

In an interview with The Nation, Ebadi said that she has documentation for one-third of those killings, and that information about the rest comes from the personal testimony of a man who admitted his role in the November 1998 murders of Darioush and Parvaneh Forouhar, who were hacked to pieces in their Tehran home. The Forouhars, critics of the Iranian regime, were part of the coalition that supported Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh, the nationalist leader who was toppled by a CIA-backed coup d’état in 1953.

Ebadi, a Tehran-based attorney and former judge who has battled the government over human-rights abuses for years, says that what she calls the pattern of “chain murders” has halted since then. But she warns that the human-rights situation in Iran remains grave. On April 2, Ebadi herself received an anonymous threat in a letter delivered to her office that read: “Your death is near.”

Chillingly, she said that Ghorbanali Dorri-Najafabadi, the minister of intelligence under whose authority the hundreds of murders were carried out, was never punished–merely shifted to another top position. Today, Dorri-Najafabadi is the head of Iran’s Supreme Administrative Court. “For years I’ve been receiving threats, either on the phone or in written form,” she says. “Those who write me these letters oppose my opinions and my mentality, and they want to threaten and intimidate me.”

Ebadi is not intimidated, and she continues to represent dissidents and others caught up in the labyrinthine Iranian court system. But she warns that threats and bellicose rhetoric from American leaders and politicians is not helping matters. “The most important thing is not to militarily attack Iran, or to threaten to attack Iran militarily,” she says. “Even the language of some of the candidates in the United States threatens Iran.”

In addition, Ebadi is highly critical of the Bush Administration’s efforts to promote democracy in Iran, particularly the creation of a multimillion-dollar fund to assist Iranian activists. “When the United States says that it has allocated $70 million for democracy in Iran, whoever speaks about democracy in Iran will be accused of having accepted part of that money, and of being on the US side,” she says. “It gives Iran an excuse for what it does.” All credible Iranian activists have refused to accept American funding, and most of the money has been funneled into radio broadcasts and other US propaganda.

Ebadi also dismisses the notion that economic sanctions will affect Iran’s behavior. “Sanctions damage the interests of the people, and they’re not going to topple the government of Iran, because the government has a lot of income from the price of oil because the price is so high.” The only sort of sanctions she is willing to support are direct, political sanctions that target Iran’s leaders, from those involved in the Iranian nuclear program to the country’s highest officials. Such sanctions, she suggests, could restrict these officials’ travel abroad and could order the seizure of privately held assets. In addition, Ebadi believes, the world’s countries could collectively shun the Iranian state. “What I mean is that all the countries of the world should reduce or lower the level of their political relations with Iran, so that they convince Iran to improve the situation of human rights. This was you can isolate the government of Iran without really damaging the people,” she says.

But the best course is one of dialogue. “The political sanctions should be used as a last resort,” she says. “Dialogue has to take place at three levels: at the level of people and civil society, among members of parliament of both countries, and by heads of government of both countries. And negotiations have to be direct and public.”

Within Iran, support for the regime is sagging, says Ebadi. Though opinion polls can be unreliable, she cites recent election numbers to tell the story. “When [reformist President] Khatami was elected to the presidency, he got 22 million votes. But when Ahmadinejad was elected…he only got 14 million votes. Do these numbers speak to you?” In fact, millions of Iranians boycotted the elections, which were widely seen as fraudulent.

The 2005 election of Ahmadinejad and the March, 2008, parliamentary elections gave near-total control to hardliners in Iran, and Ebadi is not hopeful that the pendulum will swing back quickly, especially without concerted international efforts. “When we speak about reform, we are speaking about the gradual improvement of society,” she says. “If something changes overnight, then that is called revolution, it is not called reform. And I think that the time for revolution has passed. So we need to speak about gradual change.” Originally published in www.thenation.com/doc/20080512/dreyfuss